International Politics and History

1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry E. Spencer

Our present task is one of definition. We are students of political science in its international phase, and we use history as a means. We operate in a marginal area that overlaps two fields, government as that term is usually understood, and the history of international affairs. How shall we bound this marginal area, what are its relations to those other two, more familiar conceptions?We are forced to this study by the World War. Modern history has had an immemse expansion for the reason that a tremendous political event has taken place and the world must know why it happened, the causes as well as the occasions and events. A voluminous literature is appearing on the doings and motives of Great Powers, on the rise of nationalities and their crude strivings, on the remapping of state boundaries, and the development of spheres of economic influence. We welcome, for instance, Mr. Gibbons' recent book on World Politics, a clear and useful summary of the recent history of certain political entities called world powers and their policies. It is the story as he calls it of “the struggle of European nations for world power.” The struggle is there. More power to him in his description of the contestants and the contest. But we view all this as only preparatory for our task.

Author(s):  
Yuriy Nikolayevich TIKHONOV

The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.


2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 1137-1148
Author(s):  
JOHN A. THOMPSON

Two central features of global history over the past century have been the pre-eminent power of the United States in world politics and the growth of international organizations. The relationship between these phenomena has been variously interpreted, in ways that reflect theoretical and methodological commitments as well as political perspectives. The Realist school, for whom power relationships are always determinative, have followed Carl Schmitt and E. H. Carr in seeing international institutions, and the norms and laws they uphold, as instruments through which dominant powers seek legitimacy as well as influence. By contrast, liberal theorists have viewed the pursuit of a rule-governed world order, and the development of the idea of a ‘world community’, as a more autonomous and broadly based enterprise, one spurred by increased interdependence and greater concern with matters of common interest to all nations – not least that of avoiding the devastating effects of great power warfare in the modern era. As is usually the case with such analytically sharp distinctions, neither of these positions conveys the whole truth. From the Concert of Europe on, great powers have recognized a collective interest in peace and stability but the growth of international institutions has also been the product of wider ideals and interests. As Mark Mazower has shown in his wide-ranging study, Governing the world, the relationship between the narrower interests of great powers on the one hand and various forms of internationalism on the other has been a complex one, involving elements both of conflict and of congruence. But, Mazower emphasizes, since the Second World War, the structure and activities of the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and other international organizations have been largely shaped by Washington. A generation earlier, however, the United States did not even become a member of the League of Nations, making it more possible to distinguish between the role of American power and that of other sources of support for international bodies, and also to assess the relationship and comparative importance of these two novel elements in world politics. It is perhaps not surprising that much of the recent scholarship on the international history of the post-First World War period has focused, in one way or another, on this issue.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-41
Author(s):  
Maftuna Sanoqulova ◽  

This article consists of the politics which connected with oil in Saudi Arabia after the World war II , the relations of economical cooperations on this matter and the place of oil in the history of world economics


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-396
Author(s):  
Maja Spanu

International Relations scholarship disconnects the history of the so-called expansion of international society from the presence of hierarchies within it. In contrast, this article argues that these developments may in fact be premised on hierarchical arrangements whereby new states are subject to international tutelage as the price of acceptance to international society. It shows that hierarchies within international society are deeply entrenched with the politics of self-determination as international society expands. I substantiate this argument with primary and secondary material on the Minority Treaty provisions imposed on the new states in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe admitted to the League of Nations after World War I. The implications of this claim for International Relations scholarship are twofold. First, my argument contributes to debates on the making of the international system of states by showing that the process of expansion of international society is premised on hierarchy, among and within states. Second, it speaks to the growing body of scholarship on hierarchy in world politics by historicising where hierarchies come from, examining how diverse hierarchies are nested and intersect, and revealing how different actors navigate these hierarchies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 762-763 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond Jagmohan

Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Holovko ◽  
◽  
Larysa Yakubova ◽  

The key problems of nation- and state-building are revealed in the concept of the chronotope of the Ukrainian “long twentieth century,” which is a hybrid projection of the “long nineteenth century.” An essential feature of this stage in the history of Ukraine and Ukrainians is the realization of the intentions of socioeconomic, ethnocultural and political emancipation: in fact, the end of the Ukrainian revolution, which began in the context of World War I and the destruction of the colonial system. The third book tells about the contradictions of post-Soviet transit. The three modern revolutions, the development of “oligarchic republics,” the subjectivization of Ukraine in the world through self-awareness of the European choice are visible manifestations of the final stage of the century-old Ukrainian revolution and anti-colonial liberation war. The essential transformations of the Ukrainian project are understood in the broad optics of post-totalitarian transit, the successful completion of which now rules for the national idea of Ukraine. For a wide audience.


1927 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Victor Hugo Paltsits ◽  
Hubert Hall ◽  
James T. Shotwell
Keyword(s):  

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 17-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radmila Sajkovic

In this text the author reviews the life and work of Zagorka Micic, famous Serbian woman-philosopher, in honour of the 100th anniversary of her birth. She was one of the first students of Edmund Husserl, and her Ph. D. thesis was among the earliest ones in phaenomenology, which was waking in that time. Her cooperation with Husserl has continued for a decade. After the World War II Zagorka Micic worked as a professor of logic and history of philosophy at the University of Skoplje (now FYRM). Stressing her individual qualities, the paper is full of personal memories and reminiscences of mutual encounters.


ΠΗΓΗ/FONS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Gian Franco Gianotti

Resumen: Basado en el análisis de un libro reciente (Pietro Scalisi, L’onore e la viltà. In Memoria di Carmelo Salanitro Martire del Libero Pensiero, 2016), el artículo recorre la vida y el legado de Carmelo Salanitro, un antifascista siciliano condenado por la dictadura italiana y muerto en un campo de exterminio alemán. En la biografía de Salanitro se destaca el estrecho vínculo entre los estudios clásicos, la enseñanza de latín y griego y la búsqueda de la libertad: una relación ejemplar en la historia europea de la primera mitad del siglo XX.Palabras clave: Carmelo Salanitro, antifascismo, Segunda Guerra Mundial, idiomas clásicos, escuela italiana.Abstract: Based on a recent book (Pietro Scalisi, L’onore e la viltà. In Memoria di Carmelo Salanitro Martire del Libero Pensiero, 2016), the article traces the life and the witness of freedom of Carmelo Salanitro, a Sicilian anti-fascist condemned by the Italian dictatorship and died in a German extermination camp. In the biography of Salanitro stands out the close link between classical studies, teaching of Latin and Greek and the pursuit of freedom: an exemplary relationship in the European history of the first half of the 20th century.Keywords: Carmelo Salanitro, Anti-fascism, Second World War, Classical languages, Italian school.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document