The Lodge-Gossett Resolution: A Critical Analysis

1950 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth C. Silva

Since 1797, when Representative Smith of South Carolina proposed a constitutional amendment to reform the electoral college, scarcely a Congress has adjourned without the introduction of one or more resolutions on this subject. A plan which is currently receiving attention was introduced in the Senate by Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts and in the House by Ed Gossett of Texas. The Senate has already passed the so-called Lodge-Gossett proposal by a vote of 64 to 27—three more than the necessary two-thirds. There is actually some chance that the House of Representatives will approve the measure and send it to the states as it enjoys bi-partisan support and has received favorable committee action in the House.The plan provides for three major changes in the electoral system. First, it would abolish presidential electors but retain the electoral votes of each state as at present. The purpose of this change is to prevent electors from acting on their own judgment. In the past, this matter has seemed relatively unimportant. But the recent election indicated the dangers of an electoral system which allows a determined minority to seize a national party label and appropriate electoral votes as the Thurmond forces did in Alabama and Tennessee.

Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter assesses the dispute between R. B. Hayes and Samuel J. Tilden. Although the action of the returning boards in South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida gave Hayes a majority of one vote in the electoral college, the Democrats, who were largely in the majority in the national House of Representatives, were evidently not willing to acquiesce in the declared result, claiming that Tilden had been fairly elected and that he ought to be inaugurated. Hon. Henry Waterson of Kentucky, who was at that time a member of the House, delivered a fiery speech in which he declared that one hundred thousand armed men would march to Washington to see that Tilden was inaugurated. The situation for a while looked very grave. It seemed as if there would be a dual government, both Hayes and Tilden claiming to be the legally elected president. To prevent this was the problem then before Congress and the American people. The creation of an electoral commission to pass upon and decide the disputed points involved was finally suggested and accepted by a majority of both parties.


1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-710
Author(s):  
Joseph Cady Allen

According to popular parlance, we elect a President and vice-president, on the Tuesday following the first Monday of November of each fourth year, by vote of the people. It is well known however that, technically speaking, we do not choose these officers on that day or at any time by popular suffrage. Instead of that, we choose in each state a committee that is called the electoral college; and these electors meet on the second Monday of January and elect the President and vice-president by ballot. The theory of the Constitution is that these electors are not to be pledged or obligated to vote for any particular person, but that they and not the people shall really make the choice.But, practically from the start, and contrary to the expectation of those who framed the Constitution, the choice of President and vice-president was seized by state legislatures and afterwards transferred to the people, through the device of appointing electors that were virtually pledged to designated candidates. So the electoral colleges have failed of their purpose and become a useless complication. And not only are they useless, but objectionable also and dangerous in many and serious ways.This paper will endeavor to show that our present system of presidential election is bad in every step of the process, viz. in a. the appointment of the electors, b. the membership and proceedings of the electoral colleges, c. the count of the vote in congress, d. the interval between the election and the time when the President takes office, and e. the election by the house of representatives in case the electors fail to give a majority vote to any candidate.


Moreana ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (Number 176) (1) ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Bernard Bourdin

The legacy from Christianity unquestionably lies at the root of Europe, even if not exclusively. It has taken many aspects from the Middle Ages to modern times. If the Christian heritage is diversely understood and accepted within the European Union, the reason is essentially due to its political and religious significance. However, its impact in politics and religion has often been far from negative, if we will consider what secular societies have derived from Christianity: human rights, for example, and a religious affiliation which has been part and parcel of national identity. The Christian legacy has to be acknowledged through a critical analysis which does not deny the truth of the past but should support a European project built around common values.


Author(s):  
حنان ساري ◽  
محمد أبو الليث الخيرآبادي

انتشرت لفظة الحداثة في عصرنا الحالي انتشاراً واسعاً، وأخذت مفهومات متعددة، ونحن لا نراها أكثر من أنها امتداد طبيعي للقلق الأوروبي.وسعى التيار الحداثي لتقديم مشاريع تعتمد كلية على مناهج وآليات غربية في دراستها وتعاملها مع القرآن الكريم والسنة، ولعل أهم الذين تقدموا بتلك المشاريع؛ محمد أركون، عبد المجيد الشرفي التونسي، محمد عابد الجابري، حسن حنفي، نصر حامد أبوزيد، الطيب التيزني السوري، محمد شحرور، جمال البنا وغيرهم، وطالبوا بإعادة قراءة القرآن الكريم على ضوء المناهج النقدية الغربية في عملية التقليد الأعمى، ومن ثم نقلوا التجربة الأوروبية بكل آثارها الفوضوية إلى ساحة الفكر الإسلامي. وإن مدعي تجديد الدين من هؤلاء، ليس لهم صلة بالدين أو علومه، بقدر ما تشبعت أفكارهم بمناهج علمانية، فالمراد من جهودهم ليس الدين، وإنما غرس الحداثة بدل الدين، فهي خطَّةٌ تقوم على التَّغيير من داخل البيت الإسلاميِّ من خلال العبث بالنُّصوص الشَّرعيَّة بتحريفها وتفريغها من محتواها الحقيقيِّ، ووضع المحتوى الذي يريدون؛ فهم يَطرحون أفكارَهم وآراءَهم على أنَّها رؤى إسلاميَّة ناشئة عن الاجتهاد في فهم الدِّين. وقد حَمَلَ هذا الاتجاهُ شعار (التَّحديث والعصرنة للإسلام)؛ فهم يريدون منَّا تركَ ما أَجْمَعَتْ عليه الأُمَّةُ من معاني القرآن والسُّنَّة، لفهم جديد مغاير لفهم السَّلَف الصَّالح يكون متناسبًا مع هذا العصر الذي نعيش فيه. الكلمات المفتاحيّة: الحداثة، أوهام، الحداثيون، قراءة معاصرة، العصرنة للإسلام. Abstract In modern times, the word Modernity has spread widely and has become widely understood, and we see it as a natural extension of European concern and confusion. The Modernist Movement strived to present the ideas that rely completely on Western methodologies and approaches in their study and dealing with Qur’an and Sunnah. The most important scholars that have presented these ideas are; Mohammad Arkoun, ‘Abd Al-Majid Sharafi al-Tunisi, Mohammed ‘Abed al-Jabri, Hassan Hanafi, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, Tayyeb Tizini, Muhammad Shahrour, Jamal Al-Banna, and others, they called for a re-reading and reinterpret the Qur’an in the light of Western critical approaches. Then, conveyed and brought the European experience and practice with all its chaotic effects to Islamic thought. The slogan of “Renewal of Religion” from these people has no relation to religion (Islam) or its sources, but instead saturated their ideas with secular methods. They tried to instill modernity rather than religion, and misinterpreted the Islamic sources by distorting it and evacuating it from the true context and setting it with their own understanding. They claim their ideas and opinions as the effort to understand religion and carried the slogan of “Modernization and Modernization of Islam”; they want us to leave the consensus of the Muslim scholars on religious issues (Ijmaa’ al-Ummah) especially relating to the meaning of the Qur’an and Sunnah and bring us to a new views and understanding on religious issues which are contradictory to the views of the past Muslim scholars (al-salaf al-soleh) to fulfill their opinions. Keywords: Modernity, Misunderstanding, Modernists, Contemporary Reading, Modernization of Islam.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Pfiffner James P.

The peaceful transition of power from one set of rulers to another is the essence of democracy. The United States has enjoyed the consensus that elections are the means to change leadership of the country for more than two centuries. The 2020-2021 transition of the presidency marks an exception to that consensus. President Trump refused to accept the reality of his 2020 defeat at the polls, despite the fact that Joe Biden won more than 7 million more votes than Trump and won the electoral college by a vote of 306 to 232. Trump declared that he had won the election and that his opponent, Joseph Biden, had conspired to steal the election through fraudulent ballots. This paper will briefly characterize the development of presidential transitions over the past half century. It will then examine the extensive efforts of President Trump to overturn the 2020 election that culminated in the volent attack on the United State Capitol on January 6, 2021. Finally, it will show how Trump tried to thwart the incoming Biden administration. It will conclude that Trump’s actions in 2020 and 2021 presented a serious threat to the American polity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-288
Author(s):  
Sabine Ackermann

AbstractAlthough people have established rules to secure their life and values, they seem to search—and to have searched, time and again, in the past—for exceptions to those rules, and this for different purposes. The article compares two concepts of exception, suggested by Kierkegaard in Fear and Trembling and by Garve in his Treatise on the Connection between Moral and Politics, respectively. A systematic-critical analysis shows certain intersections between their specific ways of handling the proposed exception. Garve’s concept of exception requires an original status naturalis between countries to increase happiness, and this is claimed by an established sovereign ruling with trust in God for his people. By contrast, the exception of Kierkegaard’s teleological suspension of the ethical turns out, precisely by being based on an individual’s relationship with God, to be incommensurable with purportedly universal social, ethical and political standards. This notwithstanding, both conceptions build on the notion of a human existence, which is subject to and ultimately dependent upon no one except the immortal God.


2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Tereza Smejkalová

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people represent more than 3 per cent of the Queensland population, but only one Aboriginal person has so far been elected to the Queensland Legislative Assembly. (Mr Eric Deeral was the National Party member for Cook from 1974 to 1977.) This fact suggests that the Indigenous population and minorities in general do not have much influence on government in Queensland. Questions therefore arise as to why and what can be done to address this deficiency.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Praino ◽  
Daniel Stockemer

Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.


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