Ascetic Protestantism and Political Preference: A Re-Examination

1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene F. Summers ◽  
Doyle P. Johnson ◽  
Richard L. Hough ◽  
Kathryn A. Veatch
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
David M. Wineroither ◽  
Rudolf Metz

AbstractThis report surveys four approaches that are pivotal to the study of preference formation: (a) the range, validity, and theoretical foundations of explanations of political preferences at the individual and mass levels, (b) the exploration of key objects of preference formation attached to the democratic political process (i.e., voting in competitive elections), (c) the top-down vs. bottom-up character of preference formation as addressed in leader–follower studies, and (d) gene–environment interaction and the explanatory weight of genetic predisposition against the cumulative weight of social experiences.In recent years, our understanding of sites and processes of (individual) political-preference formation has substantially improved. First, this applies to a greater variety of objects that provide fresh insight into the functioning and stability of contemporary democracy. Second, we observe the reaffirmation of pivotal theories and key concepts in adapted form against widespread challenge. This applies to the role played by social stratification, group awareness, and individual-level economic considerations. Most of these findings converge in recognising economics-based explanations. Third, research into gene–environment interplay rapidly increases the number of testable hypotheses and promises to benefit a wide range of approaches already taken and advanced in the study of political-preference formation.


Social Forces ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. G. Rojek

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
Mayela Zambrano

AbstractThe public and commercial spheres constantly address the largest ethnic minority in the United States, people with ancestry or from a Latin American country, as a homogenous group under the ethnopolitical terms “Latinos,” “Hispanics,” and even “Mexicans.” This panethnic view, and the negative stereotypes associated with it, was especially visible during the 2016 presidential election. While the majority of Latinos found Donald Trump’s remarks on “Mexicans” offensive to the Latin community as a whole, a large number of people still supported his opinions, even those belonging to the “Latino” community. Even more so, women of Latino heritage still supported a nominee that went against their own advance in society given his constant misogynistic comments. In this essay, I analyze the groundings for this apparent contradiction in the preference for said candidate. I argue that these women’s political preference is a tool with which they build their identity in the U.S. Besides, I explore the ways in which individuals linguistically construct their own identity in three ways (i) by actively doing the identification instead of merely receiving it by an unknown agent; (ii) by choosing the self-representation of their preference, and (iii) by finding commonalities and bonding with other individuals they deem part of their group. Through this approach, I analyze semiotic processes, such as intertextuality, use of pronouns, and discourse alignment, that are used to construct identifications of the self that go beyond imposed categories, such as gender and ethnicity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin J. Mullinix

While a sense of civic duty has long been perceived as important for political participation, little is known about its implications for political preference formation. I argue that civic duty has salubrious effects for opinion formation by dampening partisan distortions in decision making. I theorize that a heightened sense of civic duty stimulates a motivation to form “accurate” opinions and, in doing so, diminishes the effects of partisan motivated reasoning. Using survey experiments focused on tax and education policies, I provide evidence that when civic norms are accentuated, at times, people shirk party endorsements and incorporate substantive policy information in preference formation. The implications for citizen competence and public opinion in democratic politics are discussed.


Author(s):  
Volkan Öngel ◽  
İlyas Sözen ◽  
Ahmet Alkan Çelik

Economic development and growth had been the most important target among all goverments throughout the history. In this respect, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in Middle Asian Region had chosen development as primary target in 20 years time after their independence. Human capital is the leading factor to maintain economic development and growth. Development and growth terms over which different meanings and concepts were imposed in time, necessitated several political economic alterations. Before 1970’s, increase in income had been sufficient criterion for the development of a government. But nowadays economic development incorporates factors such as life expectancy at birth, school enrolment ratio, literancy rate, gender discrimination, poverty alleviation, equal distribution of income beyond economic growth. Herewith this change political preference and priorities has started to differentiate. The aim of this study is to discuss human development index (HDI) data of 5 Middle Asian countries in 2010 and changes in HDI in years after their independence. Comparisan between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and HDI rates are also performed within this analysis. This study consists of data of 5 Middle Asian countries between years 1990-2010. Basic, retrospective, illustrative library method is used as the study method. In conclusion, we find that increase in GDP did not reflect over HDI in Middle Asian Countries within 20-years period.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niccolò Di Marco ◽  
Matteo Cinelli ◽  
Walter Quattrociocchi

UNSTRUCTURED Social media radically changed how information is consumed and reported and elicited a disintermediated access to an unprecedented amount of content. The world health organization (WHO) coined the term infodemics to identify the information overabundance during an epidemic. Indeed, the spread of inaccurate and misleading information may alter behaviours and complicate crisis management and health responses. This paper addresses information diffusion during the COVID-19 pandemic period with a massive data analysis on YouTube. First, we analyze more than 2M users’ engagement in 13000 videos released by 68 different YouTube channels, with different political bias and fact-checking indexes. We then investigate the relationship between each user’s political preference and her/his consumption of questionable/reliable information. Our results, quantified using information theory measures, provide evidence for the existence of echo chambers across two dimensions represented by the political bias and by the trustworthiness of information channels. Finally, we observe that the echo chamber structure cannot be reproduced after properly randomizing the users’ interaction patterns.


Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-152
Author(s):  
Geert Loosveldt

In this article a typology of respondent's ability to participate in a survey interview is created by means of a latent class analysis. The indicators in the analysis are: the interviewer's evaluation of the respondent's ability, the use of the "don't know" response category and inconsistent answers. It was possible to fit a latent class model with three classes or types of respondents. The three types are clearly differentiated concerning ability. As expected, this typology is related to respondent's education and age. Ability to participate is higher for better educated and younger respondents. Given the fact that political preference is also related to these two background characteristics, there is a relationship between the respondent's typology and the political preference of the respondents.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madelijn Strick ◽  
Erik Bijleveld

ObjectiveFor centuries, researchers have been interested in the factors determining political preference. These four studies tested the prediction that a match between political leaders’ and voters’ implicit motives – i.e., non-conscious tendencies to strive for particular social rewards – predicts the appeal of leaders.MethodWe used student samples in all studies (Study 1a: N = 100; Study 1b: N = 52; Study 2: N = 72; Study 3: N = 62). We assessed two implicit motives: (a) the achievement motive, which refers to striving for excellence, and (b) the affiliation motive, which refers to striving for social harmony. Correlational analyses and polynomial regression with response surface analysis were used to assess the relation between implicit motives and political preference.ResultsParticipants were more likely to positively evaluate and vote for politicians whose speeches indicated a motive profile that matched their own implicit motives. Thus, people who are relatively achievement-motivated prefer relatively achievement-motivated candidates, and participants who are relatively affiliation-motivated prefer relatively affiliation -motivated candidates. Conversely, explicitly measured motives did not have these predictive effects.ConclusionsThese results indicate that individual differences in implicit motives play a significant role in political preference.


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