Party Organisation on the European Radical Left

2021 ◽  
pp. 213-256
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2012 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 971-998 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Bolleyer ◽  
Joost van Spanje ◽  
Alex Wilson

Organization ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 696-715
Author(s):  
Thomas Swann ◽  
Andrea Ghelfi

This article explores the presence of noise in processes of communication and organisation in social movements. While the concept of noise has always had a role in discussions of communication, it is in light of the influence and use of social media that it comes to the fore as crucial in terms of how we understand communication. Rather than being a factor that interferes with effective communication, we will argue that noise is in fact inseparable from the experience of receiving information and organising through social media. Furthermore, the emergence of different ‘nuances’ of noise tells us something about different dynamics of self-organisation via social media. This article analyses the online forms of organisation of the 15M movement and the experiences of Dutch radical left activists to inform a better appreciation of the radical potential of a certain variant of noise: pink noise.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. e2051
Author(s):  
O. Bogomolov ◽  
M. Shkolnik ◽  
A. Belov ◽  
I. Rutkin ◽  
T. Andabekov ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Kalter

AbstractIn the second half of the twentieth century, the transnational ‘Third World’ concept defined how people all over the globe perceived the world. This article explains the concept’s extraordinary traction by looking at the interplay of local uses and global contexts through which it emerged. Focusing on the particularly relevant setting of France, it examines the term’s invention in the context of the Cold War, development thinking, and decolonization. It then analyses the reviewPartisans(founded in 1961), which galvanized a new radical left in France and provided a platform for a communication about, but also with, the Third World. Finally, it shows how the association Cedetim (founded in 1967) addressed migrant workers in France as ‘the Third World at home’. In tracing the Third World’s local–global dynamics, this article suggests a praxis-oriented approach that goes beyond famous thinkers and texts and incorporates ‘lesser’ intellectuals and non-textual aspects into a global conceptual history in action.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095968012110057
Author(s):  
Paulo Marques ◽  
Dora Fonseca

The insider-outsider politics approach conjectures that moderate unions and centre-left parties safeguard the interests of insiders and neglect outsiders in labour market reforms. This article challenges this hypothesis. By comparing the positions taken by centre-left parties and moderate union confederations during labour market reforms in Portugal and Spain (1975–2019), it shows that while they may indeed protect insiders, they sometimes do the opposite. To explain this, the article argues that more attention must be paid to the configuration of left parties and confederations. In Portugal, where communist and radical left parties were strong, the centre-left was afraid of losing outsiders’ electoral support, and thus it did not follow a pro-insider strategy. This was reinforced by the fact that the centre-left had to face the opposition of a strong class-oriented confederation that was not willing to commit to two-tier reforms. This was not what happened in Spain. The centre-left, supported by a union confederation, undertook a two-tier reform in 1984 because there was a different configuration of left parties and confederations. Notwithstanding, this was not a stable equilibrium because this confederation changed its position over time when it realized the negative consequences of these reforms. Henceforth, their strategy became more pro-outsider.


1991 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-8
Author(s):  
Richard Kelly
Keyword(s):  

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