Examining People’s Attitudes and Values Relating to International Relations in the Asia-Pacific Region

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-63
Author(s):  
Taisuke Fujita
2020 ◽  
pp. 337-346
Author(s):  
Dmitrij V. Mosyakov ◽  

This article is devoted to the history of such an authoritative international organization as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation-APEC. This organization, created to address issues of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region, has gradually turned into the main platform for political negotiations, at which key issues of international security and international relations are discussed.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Benvenuti ◽  
David Martin Jones

The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhao Hong

China is now the world’s second largest oil-consuming country after the U.S. Its global efforts to secure oil imports to meet increasing domestic demand have profound implications for international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. China’s rising oil demand and its external quest for oil have thus generated much attention. This paper looks at the possibility of China’s clash with the U.S. and other western countries’ interests in Africa as China’s overseas oil quest intensifies, and China’s perception of this impending rivalry that may lead to a disruption of the U.S. and its allies’ foreign policy and the world order.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (H16) ◽  
pp. 553-553
Author(s):  
K. Sekiguchi ◽  
F. Yoshida

AbstractWe summarize NAOJ's efforts to promote astronomy in developing nations. The Office of International Relations, collaborations with the Office of Public Outreach at NAOJ and with the East Asia Core Observatories Association (EACOA), has engaged children, students and educators about astronomy development in the Asia-Pacific region. In particular, we introduce “You are Galileo!“ project, which is a very well received astronomy education program for children. We also report on a continuing effort by the Japanese Government in support of astronomy programs in the developing nations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-60
Author(s):  
Nori Katagiri

Abstract While the Obama administration’s Asia rebalance strategy received some praise from scholars and practitioners, it generated three problems that caused the USA to overlook many opportunities and neglect vital concerns. First, the strategy left Asia less stable by undermining US relations with China and smaller states in Southeast Asia. Secondly, it weakened America’s influence outside Asia by committing fewer resources. Finally, the rebalance was executed out of a relatively small cadre of government officials, allowing primarily civilian agencies to dictate Asia policy and excluding key branches of government. Furthermore, although the strategy competed with the strategies of restraint and offshore balancing, it never had the solid support of any international relations theories, leaving few scholars to directly associate it with a theory. Ultimately, the rebalance’s multiple logics prevented it from achieving intellectual hegemony in the American foreign policy discourse, and its substantive flaws and theoretical inconsistencies made difficult its acceptance as an enduring strategy in the Asia-Pacific region.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Friedman

For international relations realists, the rise of a world power changes the global distribution of power. By so doing, it redefines national interests and compels governments to rethink old policies that suddenly do not make sense. Given the rise of China, it is not surprising that some American analysts suggest a change in U.S. policy toward Taiwan ending U.S. arms sales. This article weighs the arguments for and against that policy change in the context of China’s awesome rise and of American interests in the Asia-Pacific region.


Author(s):  
A. Kazantsev ◽  
S. Medvedeva

The article contains prognosis of development of local human civilizations in the regions of world neighboring to Russia (Europe, Islamic world, Asia-Pacific region). This issue is analyzed from the point of view of proliferation of norms within the system of international relations, which is the process playing a key role from the point of view of guaranteeing robustness of this system. The main conclusion of the paper is that the speed of norm proliferation within the system of international relations in the 21 century will be checked by a set of factors. First, the dynamic of development of Europe and the USA indicates a clear tendency towards decrease of unifying potential that has appeared originally as a result of influence of the Western world towards other local human civilizations. Second, the study of development of Islamic civilization indicates that there is a significant potential of rejection of unification of norms within the system of international relations. Third, analysis of the group of local human civilizations existing in the Asia-Pacific region demonstrates that economic development of this region is accompanied by formation of ideas about cultural norms alternative to Europe-centric world.


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