scholarly journals Disease, Cataclysm, or Industrialisation? A Comment on the Existence and Disappearance of a Modern Period Settlement in the Vicinity of Trachy in Upper Silesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
Radosław Zdaniewicz ◽  
Henryk Postawka

An analysis of map charts of Upper Silesia from the second half of the 18th century allows us to identify at least a few lost settlements and hamlets. There is no doubt that one such lost settlement existed upon the Bierawka river, in the vicinity of the present-day villages of Trachy (Althammer) and Tworóg Mały (Quarghammer). Regrettably, the exact location of this settlement has never been identified. An archival query and test excavations demonstrated that the settlement actually came into existence and developed as late as the Modern Period. A fragment of a stone and brick foundation that was uncovered in the course of excavations was the vestige of a hut or of a more professional industrial workshop, such as a finery or forge. It was equipped with a waterwheel. Unfortunately, the reasons behind the disappearance of the village are unknown. It may have been caused by one of the epidemics which affected the inhabitants of Upper Silesia in the 19th century or by another cataclysm. It cannot be excluded, however, that the disappearance may have been due to the economic transformations of the 19th century.

Author(s):  
Marie Lecomte-Tilouine

Within the study of the modern period of Nepali history, history is considered here both as a narrative with its internal logic, notably the periodization of history produced by Nepali historians, as well as a series of statements, events, regulations, etc., which are incorporated in this narrative. Periodization of history in Nepal establishes a direct and necessary link between modern Nepal and its national territory. Indeed, the beginning of the modern era is determined by the “unification” of the fifty independent kingdoms and tribal territories that gave birth to the anational territory of Nepal during the second half of the 18th century. Such a correspondence makes modernity and the unified territory of Nepal coincide in a single space time. Yet, a closer examination of the logic behind periodization sheds light on its Kathmandu-centric, and dynastic perspective. This resulted in the formation of a hybrid conception of the national territory and of its center of power. From being the standard of the territory’s time and space, the Kathmandu Valley became the chronotope of the historical narrative dealing with the first half of the 19th century. It continued to form the territory’s remarkable center following the seizing of power by the Rana prime ministers (1846–1951), but now by assuming a futurist dimension, which conversely, plunged the rest of the country back in time.


Author(s):  
Claire Brizon

Based on three case studies of artifacts from 18th century collections preserved in Swiss cultural institutions, I attempt to rethink the use of the word "colonial" before the 19th century, and to apply it to describe collections from the modern period. I attempt to shed light on how these collections could be exhibited to provide critical perspective on these artefacts and the stories they are allowed to tell, in view of the upcoming exhibition entitled Exotic Switzerland? A Global History of the Enlightenment to open in 2020 at the Palais de Rumine in Lausanne.


1984 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 226-247 ◽  

Hans Grüneberg was the only child of Dr med. Levi Grüneberg (1879-1942) and Else née Steinberg (1880-1945). The parents and son were all born in Elberfeld, Germany, which was later fused with its twin city Bremen and renamed Wuppertal. His father was a general practitioner from 1906 to 1935, when ill health due to Parkinsonism and the menacing Nazi political situation led to the parents’ migrating to Palestine as it then was. Hans had anticipated them by migrating to England in 1933. Hans’s more distant ancestors came from Westphalia in western Germany, where they can be traced back to the 18th century. At that time and until the middle of the 19th century they lived, as did the whole of the Jewish population, in small villages where they followed the rural occupations open to Jews before the universal emancipation in Germany in 1869. Hans’s paternal grand father was born and lived the whole of his life in the village of Hachen in Kreis Arnsberg; his maternal grand father lived in the nearby village of Reiste. Both families independently moved to Elberfeld in 1879. Their children received secondary education, and his father was the first member of the family to go to a university (Bonn).


Kulturstudier ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 64
Author(s):  
Else Marie Kofod

<p>Et samfunds &aelig;gteskabsideal aff&oslash;der nogle mere eller mindre uskrevne regler for,&nbsp;hvad der er tilladt og - m&aring;ske is&aelig;r - hvad der ikke er tilladt med hensyn til udenoms&aelig;gteskabelige&nbsp;forhold. Det var ogs&aring; tilf&aelig;ldet i 1800-tallets bondesamfund,&nbsp;hvor det at indlede et seksuelt forhold til en anden person end den, man var forlovet&nbsp;eller gift med, ikke alene kunne v&aelig;re en trussel for de enkelte par, men for&nbsp;hele landsbyf&aelig;llesskabet. Seksuelle emner er ofte tabubelagte. I denne artikel vil&nbsp;jeg vise, hvordan bondesamfundets seksualmoral blev kommunikeret igennem&nbsp;s&aring;vel omgangsformer, ritualer og traditioner som igennem sagn om bjergfolk og&nbsp;ellefolk.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Tales of seduction and sexual moralityin 19th-century rural society.</p><p>The marital ideal of a society generates certain more or less unwritten rules forwhat is permissible and - perhaps especially - impermissible in terms of extramaritalrelations. This was also the case in the rural society of the 19th century,where engaging in a sexual relationship with someone other than the person to whom you were married or betrothed could be a threat not only to the individual couple but to the whole village community. Although the village community in 18th-century rural society underwent a number of changes in the course of the century, it was apparently still important to strengthen the authority of the community or at any rate to give the appearance that it existed. The community in the rural village meant not just something communal in general, but a particular way of performing certain communal actions, including - and perhaps especially - certain social conventions. More fundamentally,'community' therefore refers to the farmer-dominated village's culturally protected norm for what was right and wrong.Besides the norms that were communicated through the unwritten socialconventions,&nbsp;one could also express what was right and wrong through the stories that were told. In the tales it was also possible to engage with sexual themes.The tales that are most relevant in this study are legends of mountain spirits andelves, where human beings engage in some kind of interaction with the supernatural beings. There are a good 300 of these legends. Looking at the consequences such relations could have for the protagonists of the legends enables us to gain insight into how extramarital relations were regarded in rural society. In 19th-century rural society the norms of the village for sexual morality were thus communicated both through games and traditions and through the tales thatwere told of mountain spirits and elves. Both forms of expression involved acommon set of principles for the members of the village community, and laiddown guidelines for the way one was to handle relations with other people ineveryday life.</p>


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Kramer

Opium smoking began spreading slowly but steadily in China from early in the 18th Century. It grew through the 19th Century to the point that by the end of the century it became a nearly universal practice among males in some regions. While estimates vary, it appears that most smokers consumed six grams or less daily. Addicted smokers were occasionally found among those smoking as little as three grams daily, but more often addicted smokers reported use of about 12 grams a day or more. An individual smoking twelve grams of opium probably ingests about 80 mg. of morphine. Thirty mg. of morphine daily may induce some withdrawal signs, while 60 mg. daily are clearly addicting. While testimony varied widely, it appears likely that most opium smokers were not disabled by their practice. This appears to be the case today, too, among those peoples in southeast Asia who have continued to smoke opium. There appear to be social and perhaps psychophysiological forces which work toward limiting the liabilities of drug use.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


Impact ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (7) ◽  
pp. 26-29
Author(s):  
Fumiko Sugimoto

Professor Fumiko Sugimoto has been analysing the history of the 18th century and first half of the 19th century with a focus not only on the temporal axis but also on the relationships between specific spaces and the people who live and act as subjective agents in these spaces. During the past few years, she has been endeavouring to decipher the history in the period of transition from the early modern period to the modern period by introducing the perspective of oceans, with a focus on Japan. Through the study of history in terms of spatial theory that also takes oceans into consideration, she is proposing to present a new concept about the territorial formation of modern states. [Main subjects] Law and Governance in Early Modern Japan Judgement in Early Modern Society The Evolution of Control over Territory under the Tokugawa State A Human Being in the Nineteenth Century: WATANABE Kazan, a Conflicting Consciousness of Status as an Artist and as a Samurai Early Modern Maps in the Social-standing-based Order of Tokugawa Japan The World of Information in Bakumatsu Japan: Timely News and Bird's Eye Views Early Modern Political History in Terms of Spatial Theory The Emergence of Newly Defined Oceans and the Transformation of Political Culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 133 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Sara Matrisciano ◽  
Franz Rainer

All major Romance languages have patterns of the type jaune paille for expressing shades of colour represented by some prototypical object. The first constituent of this pattern is a colour term, while the second one designates a prototypical representative of the colour shade. The present paper starts with a short discussion of the controversial grammatical status of this pattern and its constituents. Its main aim, however, concerns the origin and diffusion of this pattern. We have not found hard and fast evidence that Medieval Italian pigment compounds of the type verderame influenced the rise of the jaune paille pattern, which first appears in French in the 16th century. This pattern continued to be a minority solution during the 17th century, but established itself during the 18th century. In the 19th century, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese adopted the pattern jaune paille, while it did not reach Catalan and Romanian before the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Maria Berbara

There are at least two ways to think about the term “Brazilian colonial art.” It can refer, in general, to the art produced in the region presently known as Brazil between 1500, when navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral claimed the coastal territory for the Lusitanian crown, and the country’s independence in the early 19th century. It can also refer, more specifically, to the artistic manifestations produced in certain Brazilian regions—most notably Bahia, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro—over the 18th century and first decades of the 19th century. In other words, while denotatively it corresponds to the art produced in the period during which Brazil was a colony, it can also work as a metonym valid to indicate particular temporal and geographical arcs within this period. The reasons for its widespread metonymical use are related, on the one hand, to the survival of a relatively large number of art objects and buildings produced in these arcs, but also to a judicative value: at least since the 1920s, artists, historians, and cultivated Brazilians have tended to regard Brazilian colonial art—in its more specific meaning—as the greatest cultural product of those centuries. In this sense, Brazilian colonial art is often identified with the Baroque—to the extent that the terms “Brazilian Baroque,” “Brazilian colonial art,” and even “barroco mineiro” (i.e., Baroque produced in the province of Minas Gerais) may be used interchangeably by some scholars and, even more so, the general public. The study of Brazilian colonial art is currently intermingled with the question of what should be understood as Brazil in the early modern period. Just like some 20th- and 21st-century scholars have been questioning, for example, the term “Italian Renaissance”—given the fact that Italy, as a political entity, did not exist until the 19th century—so have researchers problematized the concept of a unified term to designate the whole artistic production of the territory that would later become the Federative Republic of Brazil between the 16th and 19th centuries. This territory, moreover, encompassed a myriad of very different societies and languages originating from at least three different continents. Should the production, for example, of Tupi or Yoruba artworks be considered colonial? Or should they, instead, be understood as belonging to a distinctive path and independent art historical process? Is it viable to propose a transcultural academic approach without, at the same time, flattening the specificities and richness of the various societies that inhabited the territory? Recent scholarly work has been bringing together traditional historiographical references in Brazilian colonial art and perspectives from so-called “global art history.” These efforts have not only internationalized the field, but also made it multidisciplinary by combining researches in anthropology, ethnography, archaeology, history, and art history.


2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 367-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christiane Schlaps

Summary The so-called ‘genius of language’ may be regarded as one of the most influential, and versatile, metalinguistic metaphors used to describe vernacular languages from the 17th century onwards. Over the centuries, philosophers, grammarians, trans­lators and language critics etc. wrote of the ‘genius of language’ in a wide range of text types and with reference to various linguistic positions so that a set of rather diverse types of the concept was created. This paper traces three prominent stages in the development of the ‘genius of language’ argument and, by identifying some of the most frequent types as they evolved in the context of the various linguistic dis­courses, endeavours to show the major transformations of the concept. While early on, discussion of the stylistic and grammatical type of the ‘genius of language’ concentrates on surface features in the languages considered, during the middle of the 18th century, the ‘genius of language’ is relocated to the semantic, interior part of language. With the 19th-century notion of an organological ‘genius of language’, the former static concept is personified and recast in a dynamic form until, taken to its nationalistic extremes, the ‘genius of language’ argument finally ceases to be of any epistemological and scientific value.


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