Introduction

Natural Rights ◽

Primary Motivation ◽

This book examines the European roots of humanitarian intervention as a concept and international practice during the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on the politics and policies of Great Britain and France. It challenges two assumptions: first, that humanitarian intervention is a phenomenon of international relations that appeared after the end of the Cold War and second, that it emerged abruptly during the nineteenth century. Focusing on the Ottoman Empire, the book investigates when, where, who, how, and for what reasons a humanitarian intervention was undertaken from 1815 to 1914. It argues that the primary motivation of humanitarian intervention is to end massacre, atrocity, and extermination or to prevent the repetition of such events, to protect civilian populations mistreated and unprotected by the target-state government, agents, or authorities. This introduction discusses the concept of rights, including natural rights, before the nineteenth century and provides an overview of the questions, assumptions, and issues raised in the book.

Paradox of humanitarian intervention: A critical analysis of theory and practice

Masyarakat Kebudayaan dan Politik ◽

10.20473/mkp.v33i32020.222-237 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 33 (3) ◽

pp. 222

Author(s):

Tadelech Bubamo Welde ◽

Baiq L. S. W. Wardhani

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

Theory And Practice ◽

Political Ambition ◽

Rigorous Analysis ◽

Humanitarian Interventions ◽

Self Interest ◽

Political Weapon ◽

Since the end of the Cold War, thoughtlessness act in conducting ‘humanitarian interventions’ has posed analytical challenges for international relations academicians. Traditional security advocators have tried to distinguished implications of ‘humanitarianism’ based on their interest and how it helps state in regaining the outcome. This research identified motivation of state in conducting humanitarian intervention. There are growing studies, as expressed by the constructivist, that humanitarianism is states’ political weapon that shifted the involvement patterns of policymakers and actors in humanitarian interventions. On the other hand, primary criticism from realism stressed economic and political ambition behind humanitarian interventions and makes it impossible to be moral, ethical, and cosmopolitan. The objective of this study is to examine the practices, motives, and challenges of humanitarian interventions. Data gathered from published books and journals selected through rigorous analysis. The research finds that the failure of humanitarian interventions indicates the following: First, humanitarian interventions requires expensive cost in people’s life and other resources. Moreover, there is a moral obligation to save the victims. Second, actors are engaged to operate the mission and has limited right to demonstrate their self-interest to protect the victims. Third is the issue of sovereignty and the subjected state’s willingness to integrate. To overcome the problem, government should promote global governance transformation and the cosmopolitanism nature between actors.

The International Context of Nineteenth-Century Humanitarian Interventions

Against Massacre ◽

10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.003.0002 ◽

2011 ◽

Author(s):

Davide Rodogno

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

International Relations ◽

Ottoman Empire ◽

Military Interventions ◽

International Context ◽

Humanitarian Interventions ◽

Eastern Question ◽

History Of ◽

Geopolitical Context

This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice in the Ottoman Empire. It also sets the geopolitical context of humanitarian intervention, when Ottoman Christians were victims of massacre, atrocities, and extermination. The chapter begins with a discussion of the concept and practice of intervention in nineteenth-century international relations, explaining the term “intervention.” It then provides a brief overview of the history of the Eastern Question—the question of the survival or the death of the “sick Man of Europe”—before contextualizing the meaning of “massacre,” “atrocity,” and “extermination.” It also distinguishes between the Capitulations and intervention and concludes with an analysis of the extent to which military interventions against massacre built on the Capitulations.

Looking for the Impossible: The Futile Search for a Balanced Doctrine of Humanitarian Intervention

Journal of International Analytics ◽

10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-105-122 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 12 (3) ◽

pp. 105-122

Author(s):

A. Grigoryan

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

International Regime ◽

The West ◽

Great Opportunity ◽

Trade Off ◽

Many in the West, especially in the human rights community, saw the end of the Cold War as a great opportunity for a normative transformation in international relations. They argued that the concept of sovereignty was an anachronism and that a new international regime should be created allowing for easier intervention against states that subject their citizens to violence. It seemed like a relatively straightforward issue of clashing normative principles at fi rst. As the conversation about interventions has evolved, however, it has become increasingly clear that the problem is much more complex. This article examines the set of complex trade-off s between various values and norms related to humanitarian intervention and demonstrates that no interventionist doctrine that balances these values and norms is possible. It empirically examines these tensions in the context of interventions in Kosovo and Libya.

Was there a European Order in the Twentieth Century? From the Concert of Europe to the End of the Cold War

Contemporary European History ◽

10.1017/s0960777300003027 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 9 (3) ◽

pp. 329-353 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Georges-Henri Soutou

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Twentieth Century ◽

European Union ◽

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

The European Union ◽

Lasting Peace ◽

The Cold War ◽

Concert Of Europe

This study attempts to explain how in the twentieth century the concept of a European order which had evolved from the European balance of the nineteenth century, but with an added democratic dimension after 1919 and 1945, played a role in international relations, despite the two world wars which almost put an end to it; how it helped to sustain the concept of a minimum of European solidarity, despite numerous national and ideological conflicts; and how, at the start of a new century, this concept may again be significant for a continent that has not had a similar opportunity to establish a lasting peace since the Congress of Vienna. The concept of a European order may in particular serve as a way of accommodating Russia, which has no real prospect of becoming a member of the European Union.

Space, scale and Just War: meeting the challenge of humanitarian intervention and trans-national terrorism

Review of International Studies ◽

10.1017/s0260210508008188 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 34 (4) ◽

pp. 581-600 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

JOHN WILLIAMS

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

War On Terror ◽

Just War ◽

Global War On Terror ◽

Space Scale ◽

Global War ◽

The Cold War ◽

The Way

AbstractThis article contributes to current debates about Just War by analysing an insufficiently recognised problem with the way Just War theorists have responded to the two principal challenges surrounding the ethics of violence in international relations since the end of the Cold War – humanitarian intervention and the ‘global war on terror’. The problem focuses on strongly embedded assumptions that exist in contemporary Just War debates about the nature and meaning of territory. The article argues that Just War needs to engage more systematically with challenges to dominant ‘Westphalian’ framings of territory, space and scale in order to contribute more effectively to important ethical debates about the use of violence in international relations.

The 1945 World Order – Process with «Open» Continuation

MGIMO Review of International Relations ◽

10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-52-79 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 13 (4) ◽

pp. 52-79

Author(s):

V. T. Yungblud

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

World Order ◽

International Order ◽

International Terrorism ◽

Bipolar Structure ◽

Political Processes ◽

The World ◽

Post War ◽

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.

NATO in Balkan’s Late Twenties Tide

European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies ◽

10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p135-141 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 135

Author(s):

Xhavit Sadrijaj

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

Nobel Prize ◽

Foreign Minister ◽

Iron Curtain ◽

The Balkans ◽

New Concepts ◽

NATO did not intervene in the Balkans to overcome Yugoslavia, or destroy it, but above all to avoid violence and to end discrimination. (Shimon Peres, the former Israeli foreign minister, winner of Nobel Prize for peace) NATO’s intervention in the Balkans is the most historic case of the alliance since its establishment. After the Cold War or the "Fall of the Iron Curtain" NATO somehow lost the sense of existing since its founding reason no longer existed. The events of the late twenties in the Balkans, strongly brought back the alliance proving the great need for its existence and defining dimensions and new concepts of security and safety for the alliance in those tangled international relations.

Trust, but Verify

10.11126/stanford/9780804798099.001.0001 ◽

2016 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Cold War ◽

Soviet Union ◽

International Relations ◽

Arms Control ◽

The United States ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

The Cold War ◽

East West

This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.

Russia and Peaceful Change

The Oxford Handbook of Peaceful Change in International Relations ◽

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190097356.013.28 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Andrej Krickovic

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

Russian Foreign Policy ◽

Unmet Expectations ◽

Soviet Empire ◽

Communist Movement ◽

New Thinking ◽

The Cold War ◽

Over Time

Over the last four decades, Russia has been at the very center of peaceful change in international relations. Gorbachev’s conciliatory New Thinking (NT) fundamentally transformed international relations, ending the Cold War struggle and dismantling the Soviet empire and world communist movement. Contemporary Russia is at the forefront of the transition away from American unipolarity and toward what is believed will be a more equitable and just multipolar order. Over time, Russia has moved away from the idealism that characterized Gorbachev’s NT and toward a more hard-nosed and confrontational approach toward peaceful change. The chapter traces this evolution with a particular emphasis on the role that Russia’s unmet expectations of reciprocity and elevated status have played in the process. If they are to be successful, future efforts at peaceful change will have to find ways to address these issues of reciprocity and status, especially under circumstances where there are power asymmetries between the side making concessions and the side receiving them. Nevertheless, despite its disappointments, Russia’s approach to change remains (largely) peaceful. Elements of NT, including its emphasis on interdependence, collective/mutual security, and faith in the possibility of positive transformation, continue to be present in modern Russian foreign policy thinking.

National Internationalists: British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964

Contemporary European History ◽

10.1017/s0960777305002766 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 14 (4) ◽

pp. 559-582 ◽

Cited By ~ 16

Author(s):

HOLGER NEHRING

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

Social History ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

Political Movements ◽

Protest Movements ◽

The Social ◽

Political Traditions ◽

History Of ◽

This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.