Strategizing the Sacred

Author(s):  
Avi Max Spiegel

This chapter suggests that the representations of religion in young Islamists' lives are not the product of prevarication, but rather of personalization. Religious authority has become circulated to such an extent that it has come to mean multiple things to multiple members. In the midst of this diversification, political party members increasingly appropriate the authority to interpret and represent what “Islam” means or should mean to others. None of these myriad representations constitutes “lies.” Instead, these words and constructions represent and reflect members' own strategic desires for themselves. The chapter shows how the haraka represents for some a site for religious study, a place of Qurʾanic learning unfettered by politics. For others, it is a place to make contacts and to get ahead: an instrumental, not ideological, site. For still others, it serves as a strategic site, a place to try out new ideas, and even as a convenient scapegoat. And, yet, for others, it is completely ignored; it simply has no place in their lives as party members.

Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
John Bwalya ◽  
Owen B. Sichone

Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.


Author(s):  
Carlos Meléndez ◽  
Sebastián Umpierrez de Reguero

Despite existing literature that often conflates the terms party membership and party activism, the first is a formal ascription with a given party organization, while the second entails a set of practices, whether sporadic, informal, or devoted, that (a group of) individuals perform to support a political party either during an electoral campaign or more permanently, independently of being enrolled in the party or not. Party members and activists can be analyzed from both the normative model of democracy and the inner functioning of political parties. Focusing on Latin America, party membership and party activism are related to various types of party organizations, social cleavages, and party identification. Individuals join, and/or work for, parties to gain tangible benefits, information, social advantages, and influence, as well as mental satisfaction, without which they could lose financial resources, time, and alternative opportunities. Moreover, prior contributions on party membership and activism based on Latin American countries has emphasized the functions party supporters have as connectors between the citizenry and the party organizations. In this regard, scholars conceive members’ participation not only as a mechanism for party rootedness (“vertical” function), but also as a connection between social and partisan arenas (“horizontal” function). In the region, the research area of party membership and activism portrays virtues and limitations in methodological terms both at the aggregate and the individual level. As a future research agenda, party membership and activism in Latin America should be further studied using comparative strategies, avoiding the pitfalls of public opinion research, not to mention making additional efforts to keep the two terms conceptually distinct. Also, party members and activists can be explored in transnational perspective, joining forces with the blooming literature of political party abroad.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Mary Augusta Brazelton

This introductory chapter provides a background of how mass immunization programs made vaccination a cornerstone of Chinese public health and China a site of consummate biopower, or power over life. Over the twentieth century, through processes of increasing force, vaccines became medical technologies of governance that bound together the individual and the collective, authorities and citizens, and experts and the uneducated. These programs did not just transform public health in China—they helped shape the history of global health. The material and administrative systems of mass immunization on which these health campaigns relied had a longer history than the People's Republic of China itself. The Chinese Communist Party championed as its own invention and dramatically expanded immunization systems that largely predated 1949 and had originated with public health programs developed in southwestern China during the Second Sino-Japanese War from 1937 to 1945. The nationwide implementation of these systems in the 1950s relied on transformations in research, pharmaceutical manufacturing, and concepts of disease that had begun in the first decades of the twentieth century. These processes spanned multiple regime changes, decades of war, and diverse forms of foreign intervention. Most important, they brought with them new ideas about what it meant to be a citizen of China.


2001 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-247
Author(s):  
Buschow Henley

The urgent need for new housing in south-east England is likely to be met by development on what are often ‘brownfield’ sites. Buschow Henley's scheme was the winning entry for an ideas competition to stimulate new ideas leading to the exemplary development of such a site. With the exception of the opening statement and the competition background, this is a much shortened version of the original submission.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Cindy Jemmett

<p>This dissertation looks at how those who manage and interpret heritage sites are incorporating into their practice, new thinking about the way visitors make meaning. Recent research has emphasised visitors' agency, and drawn attention to the cultural and political work of heritage performance. The ways visitors use emotion and imagination has also received greater attention. Rather than heritage value as intrinsic to sites, and best identified by the professional, recent theoretical understandings position visitors as active co-creators of heritage. How these new ideas might be applied in practice, and how organisations could most productively share authority for meaning-making, has not been sufficiently addressed. This research positions itself in that gap, and seeks to contribute to a conversation about how theory translates to practice.  The Department of Conservation (DOC) was selected as an information-rich case study. At the time of research, the Department was in its third and final phase of new policy work that places greater emphasis on working in collaboration with others. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four DOC staff from across a range of roles. A further three interviews were undertaken with DOC partners and a contractor connected with sites discussed by DOC interviewees.  The findings show that while heritage managers accept that visitors will make a variety of meanings at a site, they do not currently have a robust understanding of the meanings their visitors are making; of what they think and feel, and what a visit to the site really means to them. Only recently has getting this knowledge really appeared a priority, and organisations are still working out how best to collect this data, and how it could then inform their practice. This lack of understanding has inhibited practitioners' ability to respond to visitors, and to recognise the cultural work they do. When it came to partnerships, organisations were more invested in both understanding and responding to the other party. In some cases, they were willing to add to or modify their own ideas about what the value of the heritage was, or what stories it could be used to tell. A flexible and reflexive practice is advocated, in which organisations are clear about their own goals, recognise and engage with the meanings visitors and partners make, and are open to the possibility of being changed themselves in the process.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 710-120
Author(s):  
Aprista Ristyawati

This study aims to determine the strengthening of political parties as a form of administration and institutionalization of democracy. The formulation of the problem in this study is: what are the main issues of political parties in Indonesia at this time and how are efforts to strengthen political parties as a form of democratic institutionalization. The method of approach used in this study is normative juridical and analytical descriptive that is describing the object that is the main problem, from the depiction taken an analysis that is adapted to existing legal theories and put the law as a norm system building. The results of this study indicate that there are 3 (three) Main Problems of Political Parties in Indonesia that occur at this time, namely the weakening ideology of political parties, the recruitment system and the cadre formation patterns of less qualified political party members, the crisis of fundraising / fundraising of political parties. Efforts must be made to strengthen political parties as a form of institutionalization of democracy, namely using the ideology of political parties that must be strengthened, improve the quality and strengthen the recruitment system and regeneration patterns of political party members and there must also be a strengthening of the political party's fundraising system.Keywords: Political Parties, institutionalization of democracy Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan tuntuk mengetahui penguatan partai politik sebagai salah satu bentuk pelembagaan demokrasi. Metode pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif dan bersifat deskriptif analitis yaitu menggambarkan objek yang menjadi pokok permasalahan, dari penggambaran tersebut diambil suatu analisa yang disesuaikan dengan teori-teori hukum yang ada dan meletakan hukum sebagai sebuah bangunan sistem norma. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Ada 3 (tiga) Problem Utama Partai Politik di Indonesia yang terjadi pada saat ini, yaitu ideologi partai politik yang semakin melemah, sistem rekrutmen dan pola kaderisasi anggota partai politik yang kurang berkualitas, krisis pengumpulan dana / Fundraising pada partai politik. Upaya yang harus dilakukan untuk memperkuat Partai Politik sebagai salah satu bentuk pelembagaan Demokrasi yaitu dengan cara ideologi Partai Politik harus diperkuat, meningkatkan kualitas dan memperkuat sistem rekrutmen dan pola kaderisasi anggota partai politik dan juga harus ada penguatan sistem pengumpulan dana (Fundraising) Partai Politik. Kata Kunci : Partai Politik, pelembagaan demokrasi


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Cindy Jemmett

<p>This dissertation looks at how those who manage and interpret heritage sites are incorporating into their practice, new thinking about the way visitors make meaning. Recent research has emphasised visitors' agency, and drawn attention to the cultural and political work of heritage performance. The ways visitors use emotion and imagination has also received greater attention. Rather than heritage value as intrinsic to sites, and best identified by the professional, recent theoretical understandings position visitors as active co-creators of heritage. How these new ideas might be applied in practice, and how organisations could most productively share authority for meaning-making, has not been sufficiently addressed. This research positions itself in that gap, and seeks to contribute to a conversation about how theory translates to practice.  The Department of Conservation (DOC) was selected as an information-rich case study. At the time of research, the Department was in its third and final phase of new policy work that places greater emphasis on working in collaboration with others. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four DOC staff from across a range of roles. A further three interviews were undertaken with DOC partners and a contractor connected with sites discussed by DOC interviewees.  The findings show that while heritage managers accept that visitors will make a variety of meanings at a site, they do not currently have a robust understanding of the meanings their visitors are making; of what they think and feel, and what a visit to the site really means to them. Only recently has getting this knowledge really appeared a priority, and organisations are still working out how best to collect this data, and how it could then inform their practice. This lack of understanding has inhibited practitioners' ability to respond to visitors, and to recognise the cultural work they do. When it came to partnerships, organisations were more invested in both understanding and responding to the other party. In some cases, they were willing to add to or modify their own ideas about what the value of the heritage was, or what stories it could be used to tell. A flexible and reflexive practice is advocated, in which organisations are clear about their own goals, recognise and engage with the meanings visitors and partners make, and are open to the possibility of being changed themselves in the process.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 807-821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aki Koivula ◽  
Ilkka Koiranen ◽  
Arttu Saarinen ◽  
Teo Keipi

This study provides a new frame of reference for understanding intraparty dynamics by analyzing party members’ representativeness with respect to party supporters regarding socioeconomic status and the ideological spectrum in a multiparty system, namely that of Finland. The analysis is based on a unique member-based survey of Finland’s six major political parties ( N = 12,427), which is combined with supporter data derived from a nationally representative survey ( N = 1648). The clearest difference was found between supporters’ and members’ social status as members were generally in clearly higher social positions. However, there is a wider gap between parties when comparing supporters and members in terms of social status. Findings show that political opinions on income equality are still a key difference between traditional mass parties at the different levels of party strata, while incongruence within parties is relatively low. In contrast to the traditional parties, the newer parties, namely the Finns and the Greens, are ideologically close to their supporters in terms of attitudes concerning immigration and environment. Together, these findings provide an interesting landscape of the last decade’s changes in the Finnish political spectrum and contribute to the ongoing discussion on the changing forms of political parties.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 373-385
Author(s):  
Jan Ceuleers

Until 1971 the Belgian Socialist Party (BSP) was the only political, party that closely and systematically involved its members in the designation of socialist candidates for parliamentary elections. This was achieved through a system of pre-elections within the party («polling»).The trend away from «polling», already perceptible in 1971, has asserted itself in 1974. Hardly 56 % of the elected members of Parliament owe their seat to their place on the candidate-list at the «poll».More than 40 % of them were designated by a party-congress. This change is noticeably true in Flanders.Nevertheless the choice between a «poll» and a congress as a  decisionmaking technique is not relevant as to the renewal of parliamentary groups. This renewal is mainly due to the introduction of an age-limit (65) and of a gain in seats. Research also showed a growing lack of interest of party members in the composition of candidate-lists : participation has again slightly declined.


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