Introduction

Author(s):  
Banu Turnaoğlu

This introductory chapter discusses the rich intellectual heritage of Turkish republican thinking and the resources through which the change from the monarchy to the Republic came about. The works of Feroz Ahmad, Bernard Lewis, Serif Mardin, Stanford Shaw, and Tarik Zafer Tunaya have acknowledged the debt of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century reforms, the political thinking of the Young Ottomans and Young Turks, and intellectual developments in the Second Constitutional period (1908–18). These works, nevertheless, remain limited by their singular focus on Westernization as a response to external pressure, and fail to appreciate the full intellectual richness and originality of Ottoman thinkers. The chapter argues that modern-day Turkish republicanism represents the outcome of centuries of intellectual disputes between Islamic, liberal, and radical conceptions of republicanism.

Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald

This chapter begins by reflecting on various reactions Joyce’s Finnegans Wake provoked during its long gestation, looking in detail at H. G. Wells, T. S. Eliot, Eugene Jolas, and C. K. Ogden. After explaining why it is important to consider the Wake’s place in intellectual history, it focuses on three traditions from which Joyce derived inspiration: the political thinking of the late nineteenth century, reflected in the writings of the Russian anarchist Léon Metchnikoff (1838–88); the linguistic thinking of the early twentieth century, as manifest in the work of the Danish linguist Otto Jespersen (1860–1943); and the philosophical thinking also of the early twentieth century, associated with the Austro-Hungarian journalist, novelist, and philosopher Fritz Mauthner (1849–1923). The chapter concludes by considering the Wake’s various lessons in reading, the centrality it accords to writing, and the bearing this has on how we think about language, culture, community, and the state.


Author(s):  
Adalyat Issiyeva

This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this book, which is about musical representations of Russia’s Orient in nineteenth-century art song. It situates the topic within the historical context of the Russian people’s extraordinarily complex relationship and ambiguous attitude of toward their oriental neighbors. Throughout the nineteenth century there were significant fluctuations in the representations of Orientals, most of which were dictated by changes in the political atmosphere in the empire growing to the East. This chapter also touches on the scholarly debate surrounding Russia’s unique (or non-unique) approach to its colonized peoples and clarifies my usage of terms, such as Orientalism, the Orient or oriental, orientology, Asia, the East, and inorodtsy.


1988 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-189
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange

Little attention has until now been directed to the rich information on title-holders contained in the two chronicles of the imām Aḥmad b. Furṭū written in 1576 and 1578 respectively. This neglect is partly due to the very confusing style of the imām's writing. In particular, he refers to the three highest ranking Bornoan officials by translating their Bornoan titles into Arabic: the Digma is called ‘al-wazīr al-kabīr’, the great Jarma ‘al-rā'id al-kabīr’, and the Cikama ‘al-ḥājib’. Once the meaning of these Arabic titles is decoded it appears that the political organisation of sixteenth century Borno owes very little to the Islamic model. Furthermore it becomes clear that the commander of the Bornoan corps of musketeers was the great Jarma, an official of Ngizim origin, and not a Turkish military instructor as one may have suspected.However, since Ibn Furṭū is mainly concerned with military activities, only a few functions of the three high-ranking court officials emerge from his account; others have to be inferred from the information provided by nineteenth-century European travellers and from more recent anthropological accounts. In Borno the political organisation of the Sayfuwa state fell to pieces in the first half of the nineteenth century, when al-Amīn al-Kānemī and his successors built up a new system of administration. This progressively supplanted the old system, which was based on a great number of court titles and attendant offices. Important elements of the political organisation of the Sayfuwa survive until the present day in some former vassal states of Borno which became independent in the course of the nineteenth century or earlier.


EDIS ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 2004 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alvarez

Cubans fought for their independence from Spain for most of the nineteenth century. Since most of the armed struggles took place in the countryside and the majority of the fighters were rural inhabitants, the agriarian issue was deeply embedded in the republic inaugurated on May 20, 1902. What was the rural reality during the 57 years between 1902 and 1959? Answers appear at both extremes of the political spectrum, exposed and espoused by supporters and detractors of the current Cuban regime. This fact sheet intends to address these conflicting viewpoints by analyzing the available data on pre-1959 rural Cuba. This is EDIS document FE479, a publication of the Department of Food and Resource Economics, Florida Cooperative Extension Service, UF/IFAS, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Published July 2004. FE479/FE479: Cuban Agriculture Before 1959: The Political and Economic Situations (ufl.edu)


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's central themes. This book brings together a selection of essays written by the author over the last decade. Some explore the ways in which prominent thinkers tackled the legitimacy of conquest and imperial rule, while others dissect themes that pervaded imperial discourse or address theoretical and historiographical puzzles about liberalism and empire. The bulk of the volume focuses on the late Victorian and Edwardian eras, the so-called “age of empire.” During that period the empire assumed a newfound significance in political argument, looming large over debates on a plethora of issues from social policy to geopolitical strategy and beyond. However, the book also explores earlier currents of political thinking, and traces some of the echoes of nineteenth-century ideologies across the twentieth century and into the present.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

This introductory chapter provides a background of anti-system politics. The term “anti-system” was coined by political scientist Giovanni Sartori in the 1960s to describe political parties that articulated opposition to the liberal democratic political order in Western democracies. The reasons for the rise in anti-system politics are structural, and have been a long time brewing. The success of anti-system parties forces us to ask fundamental questions about the nature of the political and economic system, and the way in which the twenty-first-century market economy affects people’s lives. Rather than dismissing anti-system politics as “populism,” driven by racial hatred, nebulous foreign conspiracies, or an irrational belief in “fake news,” people need to start by understanding what has gone wrong in the rich democracies to alienate so many citizens from those who govern them.


Author(s):  
David Francis Taylor

This introductory chapter discusses the literariness of graphic satire. First applied to visual satire in the mid-nineteenth century, the term graphic satire problematically implies a straightforward formal equivalence between the modern editorial cartoon and the political caricature of the Georgian period, which was published and disseminated as a single-sheet etching. However, the fallacy that such images yield their meaning directly and near instantaneously is an old one. To speak of the literariness of caricature is to recognize and attend to its syntactical and narrative structures: structures that are themselves constituted through the enmeshing of images and words; the appropriation and parody of literary scenes and tropes; and often-dense networks of allusions to other cultural texts, practices, and traditions. It is also necessary to acknowledge that a print's meaning and sociopolitical orientation comes into focus only when seen in relation to the cultural constellation of which it was a vital and highly self-conscious constituent.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


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