Trois Hauts Dignitaires Bornoans du XVIeSiècle: Le Digma, Le Grand Jarma et Le Cikama

1988 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-189
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Rich Information ◽  
The Rich ◽  
New System

Little attention has until now been directed to the rich information on title-holders contained in the two chronicles of the imām Aḥmad b. Furṭū written in 1576 and 1578 respectively. This neglect is partly due to the very confusing style of the imām's writing. In particular, he refers to the three highest ranking Bornoan officials by translating their Bornoan titles into Arabic: the Digma is called ‘al-wazīr al-kabīr’, the great Jarma ‘al-rā'id al-kabīr’, and the Cikama ‘al-ḥājib’. Once the meaning of these Arabic titles is decoded it appears that the political organisation of sixteenth century Borno owes very little to the Islamic model. Furthermore it becomes clear that the commander of the Bornoan corps of musketeers was the great Jarma, an official of Ngizim origin, and not a Turkish military instructor as one may have suspected.However, since Ibn Furṭū is mainly concerned with military activities, only a few functions of the three high-ranking court officials emerge from his account; others have to be inferred from the information provided by nineteenth-century European travellers and from more recent anthropological accounts. In Borno the political organisation of the Sayfuwa state fell to pieces in the first half of the nineteenth century, when al-Amīn al-Kānemī and his successors built up a new system of administration. This progressively supplanted the old system, which was based on a great number of court titles and attendant offices. Important elements of the political organisation of the Sayfuwa survive until the present day in some former vassal states of Borno which became independent in the course of the nineteenth century or earlier.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Banu Turnaoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Intellectual Heritage ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Second Constitutional Period

This introductory chapter discusses the rich intellectual heritage of Turkish republican thinking and the resources through which the change from the monarchy to the Republic came about. The works of Feroz Ahmad, Bernard Lewis, Serif Mardin, Stanford Shaw, and Tarik Zafer Tunaya have acknowledged the debt of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century reforms, the political thinking of the Young Ottomans and Young Turks, and intellectual developments in the Second Constitutional period (1908–18). These works, nevertheless, remain limited by their singular focus on Westernization as a response to external pressure, and fail to appreciate the full intellectual richness and originality of Ottoman thinkers. The chapter argues that modern-day Turkish republicanism represents the outcome of centuries of intellectual disputes between Islamic, liberal, and radical conceptions of republicanism.

The Poetics of the Barricade

2021 ◽  
pp. 123-152
Author(s):  
Jason Frank
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Collective Intention ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
Self Organizing

This chapter examines the most widely disseminated iconography and symbolism of the popular will during the age of democratic revolution: the poetics of the barricade. While the insurgent barricade dates back to the sixteenth century as a defensive tactic against the forces of state repression, it was only during the nineteenth century that it acquired its distinctly modern and democratic association with popular constituent power. After the July Revolution of 1830, the barricade spread rapidly throughout Europe as a symbolic condensation of revolutionary upheaval. This chapter examines the insurgent barricade as a space that enabled a distinctive form of political subjectivization in emergent democratic contexts, one that not only materialized the boundary of the political—the defining opposition between the people and the state—but that simultaneously enacted a self-organizing manifestation of popular will. The insurgent barricade is the site of the tangible formation of a collective intention.

Materials for the Reign of Alfonso X of Castile, 1252–84

1931 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 39-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evelyn S. Procter
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Good Work ◽  
Alfonso X ◽  
Historical Material ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Narrative Account

The historian Mariana, writing at the end of the sixteenth century, summed up the achievements of Alfonso X in the epigrammatic phrase Dumque cœlum considerat, observatque astra, terram amisit, and this conception of the king as a scholar incompetent to govern is, on the whole, still very generally accepted. More than a century later, the Marquis of Mondéjar, in his Memorias Históricas del Rey Don Alonso el Sabio, posthumously published in 1777, attempted a vindication of the king. His work is a narrative of the political history of the reign, based on the Crónica de Alfonso Décimo, a late and unreliable source, but the only narrative account of the reign that is of any length. Mondéjar was at pains to point out the contradictions and errors of the Crónica, and, wherever possible, to clear the king's reputation from its imputations. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century interest in Alfonso X has steadily increased. The publication of the text of his legal codes, and of collections of documents containing materials for this period, and the gathering together of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional at Madrid have much facilitated the task of investigation. Some good work has recently been done on certain aspects of the subject. German and Spanish scholars have studied Alfonso's relations with Germany and Italy, arising out of his candidature for the Imperial crown; his relations with France have been elucidated, and much critical work has been carried out on his literary achievements. The publication of historical material, the specialized research of recent years, above all the advance in historical method and criticism, and the change in the fashion of historical writing which have taken place since Mondéjar's time have combined to make his work antiquated.

scholarly journals Has the COVID 19 pandemic affected the world equally?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-63
Author(s):  
Ljiljana Stošić-Mihajlović ◽  
Svetlana Trajković
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Media ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Financial Power ◽  
New System

Rich and powerful people have built a new system in which only risk is common, and profit is exclusively theirs. Neoliberalism is an ideology that is realized in the interest of the rich and powerful. They have enormous financial (and not only financial) power by which they shape the political, media and (quasi) scientific space in order to conduct economic policy and publicly promote the values that suit them. That is why in recent years we have mostly heard that the problem has arisen because people do not live in accordance with the real possibilities and that we must continue to tighten our belts and rationalize our jobs (translated from Orwell's new speech: further dismissals of employees). Much less is said about the problem of inequality, i.e. uneven and unjust distribution and concentration of wealth, and that a solution should be sought there. The latest economic crisis caused by COVID / 19 has shown that not everyone is equally affected by the crisis: the rich have become even richer and the poor have become even poorer. This paper will discuss the unequal consequences caused by the latest pandemic crisis.

Leone de' Sommi and Jewish Theatre in Renaissance Mantua

2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Donald Beecher
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Social Negotiations ◽  
Renaissance Artist ◽  
The Way

This is a study of a Renaissance artist and his patrons, but with an added complication, insofar as Leone de' Sommi, the gifted academician and playwright in the employ of the dukes of Mantua in the second half of the sixteenth century, was Jewish and a lifelong promoter and protector of his community. The article deals with the complex relationship between the court and the Jewish "università" concerning the drama and the way in which dramatic performances also became part of the political, judicial and social negotiations between the two parties, as well as a study of Leone's role as playwright and negotiator during a period that was arguably one of the best of times for the Jews of Mantua.

Capital californiano, necesidad presupuestal y cambio político: Juan Temple y el arrendamiento de la Casa de Moneda de México, 1827–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Las Casas ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
The Government

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.

Living Same-Name Siblings and British Historical Demography

2011 ◽  
pp. 15-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Galley ◽  
Eilidh Garrett ◽  
Ros Davies ◽  
Alice Reid
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Historical Demography ◽  
Vital Registration ◽  
Regional Variations ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Registration Data ◽  
Vital Registration Data ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Isle Of Skye

This article examines the extent to which living siblings were given identical first names. Whilst the practice of sibling name-sharing appeared to have died out in England during the eighteenth century, in northern Scotland it persisted at least until the end of the nineteenth century. Previously it has not been possible to provide quantitative evidence of this phenomenon, but an analysis of the rich census and vital registration data for the Isle of Skye reveals that this practice was widespread, with over a third of eligible families recording same-name siblings. Our results suggest that further research should focus on regional variations in sibling name-sharing and the extent to which this northern pattern occurred in other parts of Britain.

Paradoks Desentralisasi dan Kesejahteraan: Kalimantan Timur Kaya Tapi Miskin

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ali Hapsah ◽  
Wawan Mas’udi
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Economic Potential ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
East Kalimantan ◽  
Fiscal Decentralisation ◽  
The Rich ◽  
New System ◽  
Regional Governments

East Kalimantan is a province full of paradoxes. This region has considerable economic potential measured in terms of its abundant endowments of natural resources, including oil, natural gas, gold, coal and forestry. Yet, East Kalimantan still lacks infrastructure, has poor human resources and high levels of unemployment, factors that condemn much of the population to a life of poverty and hardship. The new system of regional autonomy, which has been implemented since 2001, was expected to give more benefit to the regions, as regional governments have held relatively more power and fiscal capacity. Law 22/1999, which has been revised twice, has provided more authority to regional governments to manage their respective regions. The introduction of fiscal decentralisation through Law 25/1999, further revised in Law 33/2004, has favoured regions rich in natural resources such as East Kalimantan. As it has abundant natural resources, this region has received greatly increased funds from the central government due to the implementation of sharing revenue formula generated from the exploitation of natural resources. These supposed to give more opportunities for the rich regions such East Kalimantan to accelerate regional development and bring their people to greater prosperity. Nevertheless, East Kalimantan has realized neither the objectives of regional autonomy nor the community aspirations for a more prosperous society. This paper aims to examine the extent to which regional autonomy laws have impacted people's welfare in East Kalimantan.

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