The Myth of Direct Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-78
Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore

This chapter examines the alternative to representative democracy sometimes defended by its democratic critics: direct (or unmediated) democracy. For all its appeal, direct democracy, whether face-to-face or enabled by new technologies, is not a viable solution to the problems of representative democracy because it is either feasible but normatively undesirable or, if it is defined in normatively desirable terms, entirely unfeasible. The chapter pushes back against three common beliefs: the Rousseauvian (originally Hobbesian) idea that sovereignty is essentially about having the final say; the historical claim that representation was rendered necessary by the size of mass societies; and the view of Classical Athens as the archetype of a direct democracy. It argues that direct democracy is a false alternative, one that is credible only if one accepts the mistaken Rousseauvian view of sovereignty as limited to having the final say — and a non-deliberative one at that. In the end, direct democracy is parasitic on non-democratic forms of agenda-setting and deliberation, or else must turn representative — i.e., involve a delegation of authority — to some degree. Even Classical Athens was not the paragon of “direct” democracy as it is often portrayed and functioned along broadly representative or proto-representative (though non-electoral) lines.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (103) ◽  
pp. 257
Author(s):  
Luis Miguel González de la Garza

Resumen:El trabajo que presentamos trata de contemplar como la erosión del sistema representativo de partidos políticos ha deteriorado gravemente la confianza de los ciudadanos en su efectividad y responsabilidad, hasta el extremo de que nuevos movimientos sociales y políticos propugnen retornar a modelos de democracia directa. Defendemos aquí que ello no es posible, ni deseable precisamente en un momento en el que los nuevos medios técnicos hacen más posible que nunca la aparición de populismos articulados sobre bases tecnológicas que son de una extraordinario peligro para las democracias del siglo XXI. Para ello estudiamos algunas de las ideas centrales de la democracia representativa y de la democracia directa, poniéndolas en conexión con elpoder que las nuevas tecnologías como el Big Data, la propaganda cognitiva electoral y otras técnicas de comunicación electrónica virtual están desplegando sobre nuestras modernas democracias de opinión. Tratamosde poner en evidencia algunos de sus riesgos más relevantes sugiriendo, también, algunos instrumentos para mejorar la siempre perfectible tanto como necesaria democracia representativa, basada en partidos políticos más responsables donde el mandato imperativo de partido sea atemperado por instituciones como el Recall de cada vez mayor uso en el marco del Derecho Constitucional comparado. Aspectos como el rediseño de la privacidad forman parte, brevemente, de la investigación ya que en una ecología de nuevos medios técnicos de procesamiento de la información sólo una intensificación normativa del respeto de la privacidad puede ser la única estrategia de contención de un futuro que sin ella afectaría gravemente a la dignidad humana.Summary:1. A democracy of excessively discontinuous exercise 2. The new media as mirrors where formal democracy reflects. 2.1 Direct democracy and representative democracy, the insufficiency of an unveiled fiction. 2.2. Citizens in advanced democracy wish to participate. 2.3. From a class society to a classified society, the role of big data, 2.3.1. The psychometric profiles, 2.3.2. Electoral cognitive advertising and microtargeting. 2.4 Powers private public powers. 3. The new forms of communication include new ways of participation and control as the recall. 4. Political parties have deteriorated the confidence of citizens in democracy.Abstract:The work that we present tries to contemplate how the erosion of the representative system of political parties has seriously deteriorated the confidence of the citizens in their effectiveness and responsibility, to the extent that new social and political movements propose to return to models of direct democracy. We argue here that this is neither possible nor desirable at a time when the new technical means make more possible than ever the emergence of populisms articulated on technological bases that are an extraordinary danger for the democracies of the 21st century. To this end, we study some of the central ideas of representative democracy and direct democracy, linking them to the power that new technologies such as Big Data, electoral cognitive propaganda and other virtual electronic communication  techniques are deploying on our modern democracies of opinion. We try to highlight some of its most relevant risks, suggesting also some instruments to improve the always perfectible as much as necessary representative democracy based on more responsible political parties where the imperative party mandate is tempered by institutions like the Recall at a time greater use within the framework of comparative Constitutional Law. Aspects such as the redesign of privacy are briefly part of the research since in an ecology of new technical means of information processing, only a normative intensification of respect for privacy may be the only strategy to contain a future that without It would seriously affect human dignity.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Peter Schrag

In the past century, California has grown a convoluted governing nonsystem that combines the hyper-democracy of the initiative process with the increasingly constricted representative democracy of the formal elective governmental system, most of it imposed by direct democracy. Particularly in the past three decades, the initiative process, driven by a radically changed political culture and reinforced by a spectrum of new technologies, has come close to overwhelming representative democracy. By their very nature, initiatives either require or prohibit specified actions of the ordinary government. As legislatures, governors, county supervisors, city councils, and school boards—and sometimes the courts as well—become more constrained and unable to cope, public frustration increases, producing yet more demands for ballot solutions. As a consequence, the past thirty years have produced vicious cycles of initiatives in which one measure leads to another. The ultimate effect of that dynamic is not just to cloud government accountability but, in the end, the accountability of the voters themselves.


Author(s):  
Robert E. Goodin ◽  
Kai Spiekermann

On the face of it, direct democracy should outperform representative democracy based on the number of voters. If, however, the electorate is better at selecting representatives than policies (the Selection Effect) or if the deliberation feasible among representatives leads to epistemic gains (the Deliberation Effect), then representative democracy may be preferable. Another factor is whether representatives act as delegates or trustees. If the former, the epistemic loss from bunching voters into constituencies is minimal. If the latter, the much smaller number of voters may be compensated for by the ability to deliberate among trustees. A mix of delegates and trustees can possibly benefit from both Selection and Deliberation Effects.


1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (301) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Bartosz Rydliński

The article presents the main ideological and theoretic assumptions of non-representative democracy, having historically strongly left-wing character, not an easy practice of applying this form of democracy in Polish and European conditions. The author tries to indicate a certain dialectic dualism of direct democracy, which more and more often constitutes contemporary crisis of liberal democracy in the contemporary debate on the negative impact of neoliberal globalization on democratic political system.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
JY Hur ◽  
Wonhyuk Cho ◽  
G Lee ◽  
Sarah Bickerton

© 2019, © 2019 Asian Studies Association of Australia. Starting in 2012, the South Korean government has implemented a large-scale relocation of its central government agencies, which are now split between the existing capital city (Seoul) and a new administrative-capital city (Sejong). One of the most controversial aspects of the relocation has been the bureaucratic inefficiency caused by its split nature. ICT-enabled solutions, dubbed “Smart Work”, were adopted to deal with this challenge, but have not been effective in avoiding inefficiency. In this article, we argue that different forms of organisational inertia created resistance to switching from traditional work routines to Smart Work’s ICT-assisted equivalents. Various forms of inertia–psychological (anxiety around learning new technologies), cognitive (culture/norms in face-to-face work routines), technological (stickiness of pre-existing IT system), political (continued influence from elected officials), and resource allocation (success bias from previous digital government projects)–significantly influenced public managers’ work practices in Sejong. These types of inertia, we argue, have reinforced face-to-face communication rather than digital communication, on-site visits rather than video-conferencing, and fixed-time work rather than flex-work. Our findings challenge dominant views from functionalist models of digital transformation and emphasise the importance of cultural congruency between workplace norms and technophilic business processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 465-471
Author(s):  
Suparnyo ◽  
Subarkah

The Indonesian Constitution that has been directed to provide social welfare through a legal system and popular democracy led by wisdom in the representation of representatives has become the legal ideals (Rechsidee) of the Indonesian people as intended in the opening of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The phrase “inner wisdom” is interpreted as a unity of words and the core “deed” of which is taqwa, and “deliberations amongst representatives” is interpreted as representative democracy in the MPR, instead of direct democracy which actually produces something that is counterproductive.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tabitha Gaylyn Kura McKenzie

<p>What are the effects of using mobile devices as part of teacher professional development focused on teaching and learning the Māori language for Māori immersion educational settings? Answers to this question are explored by researching the extent to which electronic devices could be an effective strategy to address the crisis of the continuing decline of the Māori language. Another issue explored in the research is whether learners make expected gains in language proficiency through the use of mobile devices in comparison to standard face-to-face methods of language instruction.  An indigenous framework, Hei Korowai, was used to guide the research and ensure the practices used were culturally appropriate, particularly when entering into and negotiating the research project with participants. Kaupapa Māori and Māori centred approaches were also drawn on to gather data from semi-structured interviews, observations of mobile device use, online questionnaires, and Māori language proficiency tests results. Fifty two participants in total took part in the research, 46 from a PLD programme that used mobile devices and 6 from a separate PLD programme that used mainly face-to-face instruction.  Electronic forms of second language acquisition could be advantageous for learners to access audio and video content on the move and at a time, pace and place convenient for them. The capacity to have literally a library’s worth of resources, functions and internet connectivity all in one tool and at the touch of a button could also be of particular significance to users. Conversely, participant attitudes about technology, varied needs for initial and on-going training in how to operate the electronic devices, and interaction preferences were challenges experienced with utilising the device as part of the language learning and teaching process. Videos viewed on the device could also be seen as one-way learning with a lack of spiritual connection and no opportunities for discussion about content, potentially causing road blocks for learners who need extra support.  Face-to-face instruction was a preferred method for participants and the physical presence of the teacher highly valued to allow the space to pose and answer questions and receive an immediate response, which is not possible when learning via videos on a mobile device. However, there was acknowledgement of the complementary nature and value of utilising the mobile device followed by face-to-face meetings.  Evidence suggests that Māori have been quick to adopt and adapt new technologies since the arrival of the early settlers to the shores of Aotearoa. Could technology be the panacea, the cure-all for the revitalisation of the Māori language, a tool that provides access to language, culture and identity to the multitudes? This research tests the hypotheses in the context of two items of modern technology, the iPod Touch® and the iPad®.  The limitations of the research include potential bias in interpretation given the researcher’s insider position, the relatively small scale of the project, and the absence of a widely accepted theoretical framework for mobile learning. Critical questions that still remain are the implications of promoting ‘one Māori language’ for a large-scale programme and the risks in doing so for the preservation of tribal dialect and community identity. This study has, however, begun the conversation about the use of mobile devices in Māori medium educational settings, and it may contribute to an understanding of how to design technologies, media, and interactions to support learning within these settings towards innovative practices.</p>


Author(s):  
Sue Stack ◽  
Jane Watson ◽  
Joan Abbott-Chapman

<p>Tasmania, one of the first locations to have communities connected to the national broadband network (NBN), provided the context within which to ask significant questions about the implications of the NBN for all levels and sectors of education. This paper reports findings from a research project that developed innovative methodology to explore the issues with 21 respondents categorised as "leaders" in the field of information and communication technology in education. The aim of the research was to conduct an audit of actual and planned implementation of new technologies in classroom teaching through in-depth interviews, to assess challenges faced in implementation and to facilitate dialogue between leaders in disparate education areas through provision of forums online and face-to-face. In this way the action research both contributed to an understanding of issues and acted as a change agent in stimulating the sharing of new approaches to what turned out to be a set of highly complex "wicked" problems. Resulting models using a causal layered approach demonstrate that whereas the NBN did not become the immediate solution to connectivity for these leaders, it provided the motivation to consider what a connected educational environment could be like.</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document