Al-Wasaţiyah al-Intiqâiyah al-Taqlîdiyah: Dirâsat Haula Harakâti wa Afkâri Kiâi Hâjî Hâsyim Asy’arî fî Fiqh al-Siyâsah al-Ijtimâ’iyah bi Indûnîsiâ

This article explores moderate and eclectic traditionalism beyond Kiai Haji Muhammad Hashim Ash’ari’s contribution in the shariah and Islamic jurisprudence of social politic (Fiqh al-Siyâsah al-Ijtimâ’iyah) in Indonesia. It is conceptual research referring to some of his works as well as discussion about his thought among Islamic scholars. Based on definition of moderation from the Qur’an, hadith, and some scholars’ opinion, Hashim can be best categorized as Islamic traditionalist figure who enforced both moderation and eclecticism. However, he maintained distinctive features compared to both traditionalist and modernist Islamic figures. It is mainly clear from both his thought and movement which rely on the Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama’ah in theology, four fiqh school leaders (Hanafiyah, Malikiyah, Syafi’iyah dan Hambaliyah), and thariqah sufiyah mu’tabarah. Additionally, he showed appreciation and promoted for adaptation to both local and foreign idea that later inspired distinctive religiosity in Indonesia. This particularly applies in the concept of relation between Islamic law and nationalism, jihad, political fiqh and governmental system in Islam. تستكشف هذه الورقة الوسطية التقليدية والانتقائية التي ساهمها كياهي حاجي محمد هاشم الأشعري في الشريعة الإسلامية وفقه السياسة الاجتماعية. إنه بحث مفاهيمي يشير إلى بعض أعماله وكذلك مناقشة حول أفكاره كعلماء المسلمين. بناءً على تعريف الوسطية من القرآن والحديث وبعض آراء العلماء، يمكن تصنيف هاشم بشكل أفضل على أنه الشخصية الإسلامية التقليدية التي فرضت الوسطية والانتقائية. ومع ذلك، فقد حافظ على سمات مميزة مقارنة بكل من الشخصيات الإسلامية التقليدية والحداثية. يتضح بشكل أساسي من فكره وحركته اللذين يعتمدان على أهل السنة والجماعة في العقيدة، قادة المذاهب الفقهية الأربعة (حنفية، المالكية، الشافعية والحبلية) والطريقة الصوفية المعتبرة. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، أظهر التقدير والترويج للتكيف مع الأفكار المحلية والأجنبية التي ألهمت لاحقًا التدين المميز في إندونيسيا. وهذا ينطبق بشكل خاص على مفهوم العلاقة بين الشريعة الإسلامية والوطنية والجهاد وفقه السياسية والنظام الحكومي في الإسلام.

7. The Electoral System

A country’s electoral systems are perhaps the most significant mechanism within its constitutional order to ensure that the country’s laws and governmental system attract what Jefferson termed ‘the consent of the governed’. A recent survey of electoral laws in modern democratic societies identified six fundamental characteristics of democratic electoral systems: (i) that virtually all adults may vote; (ii) that elections are held regularly; (iii) that no large group of citizens is prohibited from fielding candidates; (iv) that all legislative seats are contested; (v) that election campaigns are conducted fairly; and (vi) that votes are secretly cast and accurately counted. This chapter examines how well Britain’s electoral system satisfies these tests, first tracing the evolution of the democratic electoral system, followed by a review of the contemporary electoral process.

The East Galician Zionist Federation and the Polish Governments of 1922–1926

The fledgling processes of the single-state governmental system of the reborn Polish state in 1920 were intended to deal with many current challenges and historical backgrounds. The article analyses the causes and different contexts and conditions which were forged to initiate the Polish-Jewish negotiations of 1925. The primary attention is focused on the solutions to the economic crisis and its consequences. Also, we consider the in-house situation between different factions in the Jewish Club to better understand all the pros and cons that made the future agreements possible. To provide such analysis of the Polish-Jewish negotiations, we use the Rogers Brubaker’s nationalising approach, which lets us examine the interactions between the Polish state nationalism and the nationalism of East Galician Zionists. We also apply multiple situational analysis to investigate the ample variety of reasons behind those negotiations. This approach allowed us to consider the 1925 Agreement in the broad geopolitical context in which both sides were interested.

Evaluation of Ethnicity and Issues of Political Development in Punjab, Pakistan

The purpose of this research is to evaluate ethnicity and its impact on the political structure of Punjab, Pakistan. This topic was required by the subverting tendencies of the circumstances that, in reality, endanger the survival of the minority groups in Punjab. In order to upgrade provincial political development, the facets that proliferate its existence in policies and hold it can be abolished. They have not yielded any efficacious outcomes in spite of elucidation that has been consistently provided. Subsequently, they need to search for a more practical alternative by focusing on the divisions that are present in ethnic societies. Ethnic democracy should be present that is a governmental system that links the ethnic groups to their democratic and political rights. Quantitative research was used in this research article. The researcher collected the data by distributing questionnaire among people. For future research, this research concludes with a debate of recommendations.

Public Governance in the Public Sector: Literature review

The study aimed to investigate the impact of public governance on the implementation of National Audit Office’s recommendations in Kingdom of Bahrain. It measures the impact of public governance on reducing the total violation of government entities. The study finds that there is significant impact of stewardship and rule of law principle on reducing the total violations. The study came out with important recommendations to the executive bodies concerned with addressing the deficiencies in the governmental system and raising the level of public governance to assist implementing the auditors ‘recommendations and avoid violations.

American “Populism” and the Spatial Contradictions of US Govern-ment in the Time of COVID-19

President Donald Trump has been the public face of the blundering managerial response of the US federal government to the Coronavirus/COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, beyond Trump’s personal failure lies a failure of the US governmental system. More specifically, the role of the federal government in fashioning nationwide policies across a range of areas, including public health, that one think would be empowered by a self-defined “nationalist” or right-wing populist in the White House, has been crippled by an anti-federalist ideology and the institutional inertia it has created. These have roots going back to the 1980s and the distortion of historic US federalism that these have entailed.

History Teaching and Cultural Hegemony

In the 1960s, facing a series of transformations within Spanish society, the Franco regime modified its self-legitimation strategy and with it its portrayal of the Spanish Civil War. Based on the analysis of nine history textbooks for various levels published between 1954 and 1970, this article demonstrates that, by aiming to neutralize increasing demands for democracy, reconciliation and peace, the Franco regime incorporated elements of the corresponding discourses into its own memory discourse. The later the year of publication and the higher the age of the intended readership, the more signs of this process of incorporation appear in the textbooks. Examples of such traces can be found in the terms used to denote the Spanish Civil War, in the textbooks’ characterizations of the two opposing sides, and in their presentation of both the Francoist governmental system and the development of Spain under Francoism.

Auf dem Weg zum »Präsidialsystem alla Turca?«

In this book, the author examines the development of the Turkish constitution since 1921 in terms of its horizontal separation of powers, and concludes that Turkey’s recent constitutional changes do not imply a presidential system at all. Contrary to the widespread assumption in journalism and academia, the governmental system has persisted in conforming to a parliamentary system. Using a reconceptualisation of the typology of systems of government, this thesis is reinforced and at the same time provides a further contribution to the field of comparative politics by affirming the benefits of the basic dichotomous typology, by elaborating a distinctive subtypification and by rejecting semi-presidentialism as an autonomous type.

Congress and the Courts

This chapter turns to the relationship between the legislative and judiciary branches. It shows that in contemporary America, the judiciary has formed a de facto “union” with the executive and has in some respects helped to diminish the role of Congress in the American governmental system. This was not always the case, however, as the constitutional system of checks and balances assigns Congress a good deal of power over the judiciary. When they created the Constitution's system of separated powers and checks and balances, the framers had regarded the Congress as the branch most likely to seek to expand its power and the judiciary as the “least dangerous branch.” Since then, however, Americans have come to accept the idea that the federal courts can declare acts of Congress to be inconsistent with the Constitution and, therefore, null and void.