scholarly journals People's Sovereignty in the System Presidential Threshold in the Perspective Siyasah Al-Syar’iyyah

eL-Mashlahah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-204
Author(s):  
Iqbal Katrino ◽  
Yus Afrida

ABSTRACTUU no. 7/2017 concerning General Elections, is the legal protection for the implementation of the 2019 General Election using the system presidential threshold. The problem is, this is seen as castration of individual rights where power is in the hands of the people. Equal treatment before the law and politics in the context of nominating the President and Vice President is limited to parties that are part of and meet the threshold in the 2014 general election. This research found that the implementation of the system Presidential Threshold in Indonesia was an embodiment of the people's sovereignty itself. Where the individual directly determines the leader, and in making the requirements to become a leader, and the DPR is a representation of the people. This eliminates concerns in the community when the system will be ratified Presidential Threshold in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections so that the people's sovereignty in the threshold system is by siyasah syar’iyyah where ahlul halli wa al-‘aqdi can determine candidate leaders and Bai’ah is a form of the general election in determining the leader.Keywords: People’s Sovereignty, Presidential Threshold, Siyasah al-Syar’iyyah.\ABSTRAKUU No. 7 /2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum dasar hukum dilaksanakannya Pilkada Umum Tahun 2019 dengan menggunakan system presidential threshold. Persoalannya adalah, hal ini dipandang sebagai pengebirian hak-hak individu dimana kekuasaan berada di tangan rakyat. Perlakuan yang setara di depan hukum dan politik dalam rangka mencalonkan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden menjadi terbatas hanya pada partai yang menjadi bagian dan mencukupi -threshold di pemilihan umum 2014. Riset ini menjumpai bahwa pelaksanaan sistem Presidential Threshold di Indonesia merupakan perwujudan dari kedaulatan rakyat itu sendiri. Di mana individu secara langsung menentukan pemimpin, dan dalam pembuatan persyaratan untuk menjadi pemimpin, yang mana DPR adalah representasi dari rakyat. Hal ini menghapuskan kekhawatiran di masyarakat ketika akan disahkannya sistem Presidential Threshold dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu, sehingga kedaulatan rakyat dalam sistem ambang batas sudah sesuai dengan siyasah syar’iyyah dimana ahlul halli wa al-‘aqdi memiliki kapasitas untuk menentukan calon permimpin dan Bai’ah adalah bentuk dari pemilihan umum dalam menentukan pemimpin.Kata Kunci: Kedaulatan Rakyat, Presidential Threshold, Siyasah Syar’iyyah.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Ridwan Arifin

The number of general elections in Indonesia, such as in regional head elections, leagislative elections and in the election of president and vice president. In general elections, the president and vice president are often referred to as legislative elections, while the head of the region itself has the title, namely regional head elections only. The proverb says that where there is a rule there will be an offense. Therefore, to avoid any undesirable things, an improvement is needed to deal with this. In order to avoid fraud, in the improvement there is certainly an institution that regulates, namely from the law apparatus, as an apparatus in law enforcement is required to be able to ensure the existence of violations in the implementation of elections only because solely to enforce integrated law. In fact, the general election is always interesting so that it can be investigated, which is contained in the rules, implementation, and in the participants and the community. It certainly determines the success of the general election. If the rules are already felt or considered to be good in its implementation without capable law enforcement so that it will be difficult also in its realization. Good rules and good law enforcers also cannot maximize if the people themselves are ignorant and do not care about existing regulations. So, order between the three of them bound each other. In general elections it does not only involve one or two people, but requires a lot of people, so that the community is required to participate in issuing their opinions. But with so many parties participating in the election, there were many violations of the implementation, for example in 2014, where there were still many violations in general elections. Whereas at that time there was a socialization of the implementation of the general election which was socialized by the KPU and Bawaslu, not only socialization but also from the Bawaslu and its staff who participated in efforts to prevent the occurrence of violations in general elections. Although in the end socialization in prevention still cannot reduce the number of violations that exist. In dealing with this problem the creation of a system can reduce violations during the election, namely the process of synergy of Gakkumdu with the aim of realizing democratic elections in 2019 in the hope that it can provide the effect of clarity and change in carrying out general elections


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Indarja Indarja

The aim of this paper is to analyze the regulation of general election of President and vice President in Indonesia. The method used is the normative juridical, with the history approach. Based on  results that the Election of President and Vice President in Indonesia changes from time to time, from the period 1945-1950 President and Vice President elected by PPKI by acclamation. The period 1950-1959 elected by agreement between the state of RIS and RI. After the 1959 period until now, the President and Vice President were elected by the people through general elections.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jentel Chairnosia

The enactment of Law Number 32 Year 2004 is a manifestation of the development ofadvanced democracy, namely all local chief elected directly by the people except the positionof the Governor of Yogyakarta. However, in its development, the implementation of theGeneral Elections of Regional Head gave rise to dissatisfaction which resulted in the appealof the results of the General Election to the court for various reasons. The presence of theConstitutional Court as an institution that resolved the dispute over the General Election ofRegional Heads has not been able to provide justice to the public, especially the emergenceof many Constitutional Court rulings that cause debate. In its development, the ConstitutionalCourt abolished its authority in the settlement of disputes in the General Election of RegionalHeads as stipulated in Decision Number 97 / PUU-XI / 2013. The Constitutional Court is ofthe opinion that the Constitutional Court only has the authority to resolve election disputes ofDPR, DPD, President/Vice President because the election is done nationally, while theelection is conducted in certain areas only. In addition, the volume of incoming cases relatedto election disputes more than the law review case which is the main authority of theConstitutional Court, so that this can affect the quality of the decisions of the ConstitutionalCourt considering the dispute resolution of the results of the General Election should beterminated within fourteen days. DOI: 10.15408/jch.v5i2.7090


Author(s):  
Muhammad Mukhtarrija ◽  
I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani ◽  
Agus Riwanto

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 01001
Author(s):  
Budiman N.P.D Sinaga ◽  
Sahat H.M.T Sinaga

In the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia, there is an order to further regulate in the Law such as the general election that has been enacted Law No. 7/ 2017 on General Election. In its Law, the results of the general election is merely a dispute over the result of the general election regarding the determination of the vote which may affect the election participants’ seats and the President and Vice President election results. The objective of this paper is to find out the legal consequences of the provisions of the law which reduce the authority of state institutions that have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The approach of this research is status approach that will be used by examining the laws and regulations relating to the problem. The provisions of the Law on General Elections can be said to have reduced the authority of the Constitutional Court granted the Constitution. There should be strong grounds for an amendment to this provision it can be done immediately by the House of Representatives and the President. Testing by the Constitutional Court may be done but it is better through changes by the House of Representatives and the President.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Basuki Kurniawan

ABSTRACT  The members of INA and PIR don’t give right to vote and be elected in general elections because there is worried about right to vote and be elected will be bringing on not neutral in general election, with the result that general elections principle is direct, general, secret, honest, and fair will not be achieved if right to vote and be elected is given. Although that worried still be able to debate in theoretical. It is becaused if right to vote and be elected for members of INA and PIR are given, so will not influence the vote result majority in general elections. The concept  to give right to vote and be elected  for members INA and PIR in general elections need to be implemented, because in the first general elections in 1955 the members of INA and PIR follow to vote and be elected in general election, and than there was not problem happen in thats time. Because of that  be alternative thought bargained  in this thesis; The concept  of  legal protection  for members INA and PIR in political freedom is looked from human right protection principle is given  freedom for members INA and PIR  to vote the candidates house representatives, house representative region, house representative people, President and Vice President with free without any pressures from the institution INA and PIR. And than  for the members INA and PIR propose their self as candidates the members House Representative, House Representative Region, House Representative People, President and Vice President permitted to be candidate as form of political freedom to every people Keyword: legal equality, political freedom, general election.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bagus Anwar Hidayatulloh

Abstrak Implikasi putusan mahkamah konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan paspor dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden dalam kerangka menjamin hak memilih dalam pemilihan umum. Terkait dengan ini maka memunculkan permasalahan terkait implikasinya. Bagaimana implikasi baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan Paspor dalam pemilihan umum. Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga pelaksana kekuasaan kehakiman yang salah satu kewenangannya adalah menguji Undang-Undang terhadap UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dalam rangka mewujudkan negara demokrasi yang berdasarkan hukum sebagaimana termaktub dalam Pasal 1 UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Hasilnya adalah implikasi langsung yang terdiri dari penerapan KTP dan Paspor sebagai ganti DPT, Memunculkan putusan yang bersifat self executing, mengesampingkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang, mengesampingkan keputusan dan peraturan KPU terkait aturan baru akibat putusan MK dan Implikasi tidak langsung yang terdiri dari Mengurangi terjadinya perselisihan hasil Pemilihan Umum Presiden, KPU bekerja ekstra. Tujuan ke depan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memberikan sumbangsih dalam dunia akademik terutama terkait tentang penjaminan hak asasi manusia terutama hak memilih dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kajian peraturan perundang-undangan yang sesuai dengan metode ilmu hukum. Kata Kunci: Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, Pemilu, Kartu Tanda Penduduk Abstract The implications of the constitutional court's decision regarding the use of resident identity cards and passports in the election of president and vice president in the framework of guaranteeing the right to vote in general elections. Related to this, problems arise regarding their implications. What are the implications of either directly or indirectly the decision of the Constitutional Court regarding the use of Identity Cards and Passports in general elections. The Constitutional Court as the executing agency of judicial power whose authority is to examine the Law against the State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945 in order to realize a democratic state based on law as stipulated in Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945. The result is implications directly consisting of the application of Identity Cards and Passports in lieu of the Permanent Voters List, Raising decisions that are self-executing, overriding Government Regulations Substituting the Law, overriding the decisions and regulations of the General Election Commission regarding new rules due to the Constitutional Court ruling and indirect implications consisting of Reducing the disputes over the results of the Presidential General Election, the Election Commission works extra. The future goal of this research is to know and contribute in the academic world, especially related to guaranteeing human rights, especially the right to vote in the presidential and vice presidential elections. This study uses the method of reviewing legislation in accordance with the method of law. Keywords: Decision of the Constitutional Court, Election, Identity Card


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Widya Hartati ◽  
Ratna Yuniarti

 This study discusses the implementation of the State namely the election of President and Vice President through the general election process (Election). Election is a peaceful process of changing power carried out in accordance with the principles outlined in the constitution. On the other hand, the implementation is not yet democratic and of good quality. This research is a normative legal research, and uses descriptive qualitative analysis. The results of this study indicate that the mechanism for nominating and filling the positions of President and Vice President, is considered still contrary to the principle of popular sovereignty, unconstitutional, violating the principles of democracy and the constitutional rights of political parties and citizens. The mechanism for nominating and filling the positions of President and Vice President will be more democratic if, carried out through political parties and individual channels. For the nomination of the President and Vice President of the Individual Track, in the 2019 simultaneous elections, not a single candidate had passed through the requirements. On the other hand the great expectations of the people so that the Indonesian General Election can be more democratic and the leaders produced are truly from the people, by the people, for the people. Representation through political parties and individual candidates is one mechanism in producing quality leaders.Keywords: constitutional, democratic, presidential election and vice presidentABSTRAKPenelitian ini membahas tentang penyelenggaraan Negara yaitu pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden melalui proses pemilihan umum (Pemilu). Pemilu merupakan proses pergantian kekuasaan secara damai yang dilakukan sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip yang digariskan oleh konstitusi. Disisi lain, pelaksanaannya belum demokratis dan berkualitas. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif, dan menggunakan analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa mekanisme pencalonan dan pengisian jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, dinilai masih bertentangan dengan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat, inkonstitusional, melanggar prinsip-prinsip demokrasi dan hak-hak konstitusional partai politik maupun warga negara. Mekanisme pencalonan dan pengisian jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden akan lebih demokratis bila, dilakukan melalui jalur partai politik dan jalur perseorangan. Untuk pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Jalur Perseorangan, pada pemilu serentak tahun 2019, belum ada satu calon pun yang berhasil lolos melalui persyaratan. Disisi lain besar harapan rakyat agar Pemilihan Umum Indonesia bisa lebih demokratis dan pemimpin yang dihasilkan benar-benar dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, untuk rakyat. Keterwakilan melalui partai politik dan calon perseorangan merupakan salah satu mekanisme dalam menghasilkan pemimpin yang berkualitas.Kata kunci: demokratis, konstitusional, pemilu presiden dan wapres


Law and World ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-144

The Article concerns the legal issues, connected with the situation, when a person (or group of people) disobey requirements of the Law or other State regulations on the basis of religious or nonreligious belief. The Author analyses almost all related issues – whether imposing certain obligation on individuals, to which the individual has a conscientious objection based on his/her religious beliefs, always represents interference with his/her religion rights, and if it does, then what is subject of the interference – forum integrum or forum externum; whether neutral regulation, which does not refer to religion issues at all, could ever be regarded as interference into someone’s religious rights; whether opinion or belief, on which the individual’s objection and the corresponding conduct is based, must necesserily represent the clear “manifest” of the same religion or belief in order to gain legal protection; what is regarded as “manifest” of the religion or other belief in general and whether a close and direct link must exist between personal conduct and requirements of the religious or nonreligious belief; what are the criteria of the “legitimacy” of the belief; to what extent the following factors should be taken into consideration : whether the personal conduct of the individual represents the official requirements of corresponding religion or belief, what is the burden which was imposed on the believer’s religious or moral feelings by the State regulation, also, proportionality and degree of sincerity of the individual who thinks that his disobidience to the Law is required by his/her religious of philosofical belief. The effects (direct or non direct) of the nonfulfilment of the law requirement (legal responsibility, lost of the job, certain discomfort, etc..) are relevant factors as well. By the Author, all these circumstances and factors are essencial while estimating, whether it arises, actually, a real necessity and relevant obligation before a state for making some exemptions from the law to the benefi t of the conscientious objectors, in cases, if to predict such an objection was possible at all. So, the issues are discussed in the prism of the negative and positive obligations of a State. Corresponding precedents of the US Supreme Court and European Human Rights Court have been presented and analysed comparatively by the Author in the Article. The Article contains an important resume, in which the main points, principal issues and conclusion remarks are delivered. The Author shows, that due analysis of the legal aspects typical to “Conscientious objection” is very important for deep understanding religious rights, not absolute ones, and facilitates finding a correct answer on the question – how far do their boundaries go?


Author(s):  
James W. Underhill ◽  
Mariarosaria Gianninoto ◽  
Mariarosaria Gianninoto

Exploring the roots of four keywords for our times: Europe, the citizen, the individual, and the people, Mariarosaria Gianninoto’s and James Underhill’s Migrating Meanings (2019) takes a broad view of conceptualization by taking on board various forms of English, (Scottish, American, and English), as well as other European languages (German, French, Spanish & Czech), and incorporating in-depth contemporary and historical accounts of Mandarin Chinese. The corpus-based research leads the authors to conclude that the English keywords are European concepts with roots in French and parallel traditions in German. But what happens to Chinese words when they come into contact with migrating meanings from Europe? How are existing concepts like the people transformed? This book goes beyond the cold analysis of concepts to scrutinize the keywords that move people and get them excited about individual rights and personal destinies. With economic, political and cultural globalisation, our world is inseparable from the fates of other nations and peoples. But how far can we trust English to provide us with a reliable lingua franca to speak about our world? If our keywords reflect our cultures and form parts of specific cultural and historical narratives, they may well trace the paths we take together into the future. This book helps us to understand how other languages are adapting to English words, and how their worldviews resist ‘anglo-concepts’ through their own traditions, stories and worldviews.


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