scholarly journals The Elimination of Constitutional Court's Authority in The Dispute Case of General Election of Regional Head (Analysis of Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 97/PUU-XI/2013)

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jentel Chairnosia

The enactment of Law Number 32 Year 2004 is a manifestation of the development ofadvanced democracy, namely all local chief elected directly by the people except the positionof the Governor of Yogyakarta. However, in its development, the implementation of theGeneral Elections of Regional Head gave rise to dissatisfaction which resulted in the appealof the results of the General Election to the court for various reasons. The presence of theConstitutional Court as an institution that resolved the dispute over the General Election ofRegional Heads has not been able to provide justice to the public, especially the emergenceof many Constitutional Court rulings that cause debate. In its development, the ConstitutionalCourt abolished its authority in the settlement of disputes in the General Election of RegionalHeads as stipulated in Decision Number 97 / PUU-XI / 2013. The Constitutional Court is ofthe opinion that the Constitutional Court only has the authority to resolve election disputes ofDPR, DPD, President/Vice President because the election is done nationally, while theelection is conducted in certain areas only. In addition, the volume of incoming cases relatedto election disputes more than the law review case which is the main authority of theConstitutional Court, so that this can affect the quality of the decisions of the ConstitutionalCourt considering the dispute resolution of the results of the General Election should beterminated within fourteen days. DOI: 10.15408/jch.v5i2.7090

Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 01001
Author(s):  
Budiman N.P.D Sinaga ◽  
Sahat H.M.T Sinaga

In the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia, there is an order to further regulate in the Law such as the general election that has been enacted Law No. 7/ 2017 on General Election. In its Law, the results of the general election is merely a dispute over the result of the general election regarding the determination of the vote which may affect the election participants’ seats and the President and Vice President election results. The objective of this paper is to find out the legal consequences of the provisions of the law which reduce the authority of state institutions that have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The approach of this research is status approach that will be used by examining the laws and regulations relating to the problem. The provisions of the Law on General Elections can be said to have reduced the authority of the Constitutional Court granted the Constitution. There should be strong grounds for an amendment to this provision it can be done immediately by the House of Representatives and the President. Testing by the Constitutional Court may be done but it is better through changes by the House of Representatives and the President.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmanu Wijaya

<p><em>The resolution of dispute over election results of regional head experienced a dynamic movement rate, in line with the dialectic of the implementation of election regional head itself. Whereas in the past, based on Article 34 Paragraph (1) of Indonesia Law Number 22 Year 1999, the filling of the position of regional head and deputy head of region shall be conducted by the Regional House of Representative by a peaceful election. However, since the enactment of Indonesia Law Number 32 Year 2004, in Article 24 paragraph (5) determined the filling of the position of regional head and regional representatives implemented through direct election by the people in the region concerned. This direct election which eventually became part of the election law regime based on Article 236 C of Indonesia Law Number 12 Year 2008. In line with the development of the election, there was also a mechanism for dispute resolution of the results of General Election based on Article 157 paragraph (3) of Indonesia Law Number 8 of 2015 becomes the absolute competence of the Constitutional Court where one of the reasons for the filing of a petition is based on an election crime.</em><em></em></p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> Crime of Elections, Dispute on Results of General Election of Regional Head</em>


Author(s):  
Dominikus Dalu Sogen ◽  
Dewa Ayu Putri Asvini ◽  
Detty Kristiana Widayat

Studying the philosophy of law means studying various schools of law. Amongst the variety of legal theories, there are adherents of legal positivism or the positive legal theory postulated by John Austin (a philosopher whose thoughts on law are outlined in a work entitled The Province of Jurisprudence Determined 1832). Are Austin's thoughts still relevant for the practice of law inthe modern era, considering that law is made for the public interest? Is it appropriate for the law to be made by authorities (superior) to bind subordinates (inferior), whereas the people are only in a position to obey the law? In a functioning democracy public participation is important in decision-making by the elected legislators. Presumably, law is not made arbitrarily or unilaterally, but it is supposed to take into account the interest of the public or the interest of the groups it is designed to address. A prominent example currently in the public spotlight isthe dismissal of 57 Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) employees due to their stated ineligibility following their failure to pass the National Insight Test Assessment. For this matter, a judicial review (JR) has been requested from the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court who in the meantime have published their decisions. In addition, there have been recommendations from the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and the Indonesian Ombudsman regarding the occurrence of human rights violations and maladministration in the transfer of KPK employees to ASN. Where JR's decision by the two judicial institutions is different from what is recommended by Human Right Commission and the Indonesian Ombudsman. Here it can be seen that there are differences in the application of the law with the positive law that applies and is detrimental to the rights of KPK employees.


Obiter ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moses Retselisitsoe Phooko

South Africa’s new constitutional democracy places a duty on various legislators to facilitate public participation in the law-making process as mandated by the principles of participatory democracy provided for in the Constitution of South Africa, 1996. This has resulted in a series of court cases wherein the electorate, inter alia, challenged the legislation on the basis that the results did not reflect the views of the people. The courts’ earlier jurisprudence seemed to be placing more emphasis on participatory democracy as opposed to representative democracy. However, recent court decisions indicate a shift towards representative democracy. The central question presented in this paper is whether the consideration of the views of the public by the provincial and national legislatures is merely a matter of procedure, or that those views are indeed considered in the law-making process. In an attempt to answer this question, the paper will evaluate and critique some of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Appeal decisions on public involvement in either the legislative or law-making process. The argument presented in this discourse is that, if the public’s wishes are considered by the legislature, then the outcome would be influenced by the people’s demands. An otherwise negative outcome shows that public participation in the law-making process is a procedural matter and has no substantive value.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Ridwan Arifin

The number of general elections in Indonesia, such as in regional head elections, leagislative elections and in the election of president and vice president. In general elections, the president and vice president are often referred to as legislative elections, while the head of the region itself has the title, namely regional head elections only. The proverb says that where there is a rule there will be an offense. Therefore, to avoid any undesirable things, an improvement is needed to deal with this. In order to avoid fraud, in the improvement there is certainly an institution that regulates, namely from the law apparatus, as an apparatus in law enforcement is required to be able to ensure the existence of violations in the implementation of elections only because solely to enforce integrated law. In fact, the general election is always interesting so that it can be investigated, which is contained in the rules, implementation, and in the participants and the community. It certainly determines the success of the general election. If the rules are already felt or considered to be good in its implementation without capable law enforcement so that it will be difficult also in its realization. Good rules and good law enforcers also cannot maximize if the people themselves are ignorant and do not care about existing regulations. So, order between the three of them bound each other. In general elections it does not only involve one or two people, but requires a lot of people, so that the community is required to participate in issuing their opinions. But with so many parties participating in the election, there were many violations of the implementation, for example in 2014, where there were still many violations in general elections. Whereas at that time there was a socialization of the implementation of the general election which was socialized by the KPU and Bawaslu, not only socialization but also from the Bawaslu and its staff who participated in efforts to prevent the occurrence of violations in general elections. Although in the end socialization in prevention still cannot reduce the number of violations that exist. In dealing with this problem the creation of a system can reduce violations during the election, namely the process of synergy of Gakkumdu with the aim of realizing democratic elections in 2019 in the hope that it can provide the effect of clarity and change in carrying out general elections


Author(s):  
Ida Puspa Jaya Miha

The rise of the disputed local elections assessed due to poor direct voting system that alwaysend with anarchic conflict. Direct voting system is briefly diverted to be chosen by the Houseof Representatives (DPR) through Law 22 of 2014 concerning Election of Governors,Regents and Mayors but this law received widespread rejection by the people so that thePresident issued Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014 which regulates thesame things that later passed into Law No. 1 of 2015. Article 157 paragraph (1) of Law No.8 of 2015 on the Amendment of Act No. 1 of 2015 mandates the establishment of a specialtribunal to deal with the settlement of disputes nationwide simultaneous election to be heldin 2027. If the judiciary is not yet formed, the implementation of election dispute resolutionmade by the Constitutional Court (MK). Based on the description above background, asfor the formulation of the problem to be studied is; What advantages and disadvantages ofthe establishment of a special judicial body which handles dispute resolution election? Andwhat is the urgency of the election dispute resolution by the Constitutional Court? This typeof research is a kind of normative legal research descriptive analysis using the approach oflegislation, the legal concept analysis approach, historical approach, and the approach ofcase law derived from the source material of primary, secondary and tertiary using a cardsystem as its legal material collection technique.The conclusion of this study is the establishment of a special judicial body has advantagesand disadvantages. The drawback is; unconstitutional existence of the judicial authoritiesfor not guided by Article 24 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution and Article 27 paragraph(1) of Act 48 of 2009 on Judicial Power, the magnitude of the amount of the budget that willbe issued by the state to establish such institutions. The advantage is ease the burden on theMK, more focused and rapid election dispute resolution process.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Grendi Hendrastomo *

Democracy has become one of the best governmental systems adopted by countries all over the world. Democracy has considered able to respond more intentions particularly public’s in fighting for people’s right. There must be at least under these three conditions for a country to be considered as democratic country. First, it must run general election, empowered civilians and freedom of the press. General election is one way a citizen can contribute in politic. General election is held every five years and is used as a media to distribute their voices by voting the representative who will become the spokeperson in the parliament. To be a representative is not an easy job. Resources (social resources) are needed to win the popular vote. This is then why the representative democracy requires imaging. It is a common knowledge that the candidate of representative does not necessarily know the people he represent. Democracy raises the euphoria of creating image. In the end, war of image-making where character, quality, and individual’s quality can be imaged and sell to public will happen. Political commercial’s war has spreaded which force people to enjoy. Democracy then is identical with politic of imaging. Voters then are similar as the decision makers of the economy. Political party or individual is voted based on its marketing, no different with the marketing of groceries. Economic capital has become political basis to someone hence finally creating the democratical chain which costs a big amount. Eventhoungh in one side, the politic of imaging lowers the quality of democracy; on the other hand, it gives political study to people so the public will gain more politic knowledge from the politic ads. Key words: democracy, politic, imaging


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bagus Anwar Hidayatulloh

Abstrak Implikasi putusan mahkamah konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan paspor dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden dalam kerangka menjamin hak memilih dalam pemilihan umum. Terkait dengan ini maka memunculkan permasalahan terkait implikasinya. Bagaimana implikasi baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan Paspor dalam pemilihan umum. Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga pelaksana kekuasaan kehakiman yang salah satu kewenangannya adalah menguji Undang-Undang terhadap UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dalam rangka mewujudkan negara demokrasi yang berdasarkan hukum sebagaimana termaktub dalam Pasal 1 UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Hasilnya adalah implikasi langsung yang terdiri dari penerapan KTP dan Paspor sebagai ganti DPT, Memunculkan putusan yang bersifat self executing, mengesampingkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang, mengesampingkan keputusan dan peraturan KPU terkait aturan baru akibat putusan MK dan Implikasi tidak langsung yang terdiri dari Mengurangi terjadinya perselisihan hasil Pemilihan Umum Presiden, KPU bekerja ekstra. Tujuan ke depan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memberikan sumbangsih dalam dunia akademik terutama terkait tentang penjaminan hak asasi manusia terutama hak memilih dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kajian peraturan perundang-undangan yang sesuai dengan metode ilmu hukum. Kata Kunci: Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, Pemilu, Kartu Tanda Penduduk Abstract The implications of the constitutional court's decision regarding the use of resident identity cards and passports in the election of president and vice president in the framework of guaranteeing the right to vote in general elections. Related to this, problems arise regarding their implications. What are the implications of either directly or indirectly the decision of the Constitutional Court regarding the use of Identity Cards and Passports in general elections. The Constitutional Court as the executing agency of judicial power whose authority is to examine the Law against the State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945 in order to realize a democratic state based on law as stipulated in Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945. The result is implications directly consisting of the application of Identity Cards and Passports in lieu of the Permanent Voters List, Raising decisions that are self-executing, overriding Government Regulations Substituting the Law, overriding the decisions and regulations of the General Election Commission regarding new rules due to the Constitutional Court ruling and indirect implications consisting of Reducing the disputes over the results of the Presidential General Election, the Election Commission works extra. The future goal of this research is to know and contribute in the academic world, especially related to guaranteeing human rights, especially the right to vote in the presidential and vice presidential elections. This study uses the method of reviewing legislation in accordance with the method of law. Keywords: Decision of the Constitutional Court, Election, Identity Card


eL-Mashlahah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-204
Author(s):  
Iqbal Katrino ◽  
Yus Afrida

ABSTRACTUU no. 7/2017 concerning General Elections, is the legal protection for the implementation of the 2019 General Election using the system presidential threshold. The problem is, this is seen as castration of individual rights where power is in the hands of the people. Equal treatment before the law and politics in the context of nominating the President and Vice President is limited to parties that are part of and meet the threshold in the 2014 general election. This research found that the implementation of the system Presidential Threshold in Indonesia was an embodiment of the people's sovereignty itself. Where the individual directly determines the leader, and in making the requirements to become a leader, and the DPR is a representation of the people. This eliminates concerns in the community when the system will be ratified Presidential Threshold in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections so that the people's sovereignty in the threshold system is by siyasah syar’iyyah where ahlul halli wa al-‘aqdi can determine candidate leaders and Bai’ah is a form of the general election in determining the leader.Keywords: People’s Sovereignty, Presidential Threshold, Siyasah al-Syar’iyyah.\ABSTRAKUU No. 7 /2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum dasar hukum dilaksanakannya Pilkada Umum Tahun 2019 dengan menggunakan system presidential threshold. Persoalannya adalah, hal ini dipandang sebagai pengebirian hak-hak individu dimana kekuasaan berada di tangan rakyat. Perlakuan yang setara di depan hukum dan politik dalam rangka mencalonkan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden menjadi terbatas hanya pada partai yang menjadi bagian dan mencukupi -threshold di pemilihan umum 2014. Riset ini menjumpai bahwa pelaksanaan sistem Presidential Threshold di Indonesia merupakan perwujudan dari kedaulatan rakyat itu sendiri. Di mana individu secara langsung menentukan pemimpin, dan dalam pembuatan persyaratan untuk menjadi pemimpin, yang mana DPR adalah representasi dari rakyat. Hal ini menghapuskan kekhawatiran di masyarakat ketika akan disahkannya sistem Presidential Threshold dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu, sehingga kedaulatan rakyat dalam sistem ambang batas sudah sesuai dengan siyasah syar’iyyah dimana ahlul halli wa al-‘aqdi memiliki kapasitas untuk menentukan calon permimpin dan Bai’ah adalah bentuk dari pemilihan umum dalam menentukan pemimpin.Kata Kunci: Kedaulatan Rakyat, Presidential Threshold, Siyasah Syar’iyyah.


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