A.I. Solzhenitsyn's Publicism of 1960–1970-ies in the Context of the Debates on the Nation and Ethnic Issues

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 276-288
Author(s):  
Alexey B. Panchenko

Article is devoted to the analysis of A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s views on the phenomenon of nation and ethnic issue, which were reflected in his publications in 1960–1970-ies. At that time Soviet theories of nation and ethnos were taking shape and on their basis the national policy of creating of the new historical community – the Soviet people, – was pursued. Those questions were actively discussed by dissidents and emigrants. That’s why Solzhenitsyn's publications are considered in this article in the context of those discussions and on the basis of the performed analysis the following points can be singled out. Solzhenitsyn linked the existence of nation with the development of the living literary language, but language was not one of the markers of nation. Each nation is the personality of high level, which is manifested in individuals, each of whom embodies the whole nation. And preservation of national variety is the condition of further mankind development. It follows that the task of preserving the Russian nation against its transformation into the Soviet people is very important. Therefore differentiation of «Russian» and «Soviet» becomes one of the key points in Solzhenitsyn's publicism. The common issue in Solzhenitsyn's works and the concurrently held debates was their failure to see the nation as political community of citizens. In general Solzhenitsyn's views can be described as consistent Russian nationalistic while he recognized the right of all nations on self-determination.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-358
Author(s):  
NOÉ CORNAGO

Abstract:The idea of a perfect national political community, entirely confined within the contours of a corresponding state, is one of the foundational fictions of global modernity. Its formal crystallisation in the legal grammars of the right to self-determination has been however, particularly in the post-colonial era, highly problematic and full of ambiguities. Drawing on this background, this article contends that diplomacy offers frequently a more promising venue for dealing with the challenge of political pluralism than appealing to either the unstable grammars of the right to self-determination or a reified understanding of the principle of territorial integrity of states. In so doing, firstly, the right to self-determination is critically examined. Instead of attempting to articulate its formal content, the malleability of its legal grammars and political realities, will be emphasised. Secondly, based on the discussion of a variety of historical cases, the notion of ‘constituent diplomacies’ will be advanced, aiming to show how the agonistic accommodation of political and territorial pluralism through diplomacy was crucial not only in the formative processes of modern sovereign states but also nowadays. Finally, this relational understanding of the historical forms of governance of political pluralism within and beyond state boundaries will be re-examined, beyond its ethno-political dimensions, through the prism of the complex interplay between the material and ideational conditions for the co-production of sovereignty in the context of new global capitalism.


Author(s):  
David Miller

This chapter analyzes the debate between advocates of open borders and defenders of the state’s right to control immigration. It examines four arguments for the former view. (1) As common owners of the earth, everyone has the right to enter any part of it. (2) Equality of opportunity at global level requires that people should be free to move between countries. (3) There is a human right to immigrate to any country one chooses. (4) States cannot coercively exclude immigrants unless they also allow them to participate democratically in the making of immigration policy. It then considers four arguments that can be used to justify border controls. (1) Citizens have a right to freedom of association that includes the right not to associate with unwanted others. (2) Distributive justice presupposes a cultural community, the protection of which requires selective admission. (3) Stronger forms of democracy demand a high level of trust among citizens, which increased diversity may threaten. (4) Members of a political community have ownership rights over its collective assets, access to which requires their permission. It concludes by noting areas of convergence between the two sides in this apparently polarized debate.


Polar Record ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Loukacheva

ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on the evolution and development of the legal scope of governance and the right to autonomy in the Arctic context by considering contemporary indigenous internationalism through a legal lens and by employing examples from the Arctic indigenous peoples of Greenland and Nunavut. It argues that depending on national policy, partnerships, and relations, there are possibilities for considering direct international representation, and the participation of autonomous sub-national units or indigenous peoples, as a part of the right to autonomy/self-government or internal self-determination. Since indigenous peoples have a limited legal personality and capacity in international law, the states of which they are a part can take special measures to accommodate their needs.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

This book analyzes worker organizing and union revitalization following the decline of neocorporatism, the transformation of industrial relations and the rise of neoliberalism. Given labor’s critical role in the Zionist state-building project, it also discusses organized labor’s relationship to the political community in light of Israel’s complex relations with the Palestinians. The book asserts that despite the weakening of trade unions and the Histadrut, undermined by political and economic elites, the fragmentation of labor representation has created opportunities for those previously excluded from the neocorporatist regime. Moreover, workers are taking advantage of vestigial neocorporatist frameworks and new liberal legislation to impede neoliberal policies and renegotiate union democracy. However, the common political framework between labor and capital, the nation-state, has been subverted: capital has spread beyond “national” borders and labor has been brought into them from outside, entirely annulling labor Zionism’s premise in which “the (Hebrew) worker” was almost synonymous with “citizen.” Organized labor has lost its legitimacy. As even the right to organize is challenged, labor fights a rearguard battle, renegotiating its status vis-à-vis “old” social partners and a public which, for the most part, does not identify itself as “workers” and does not accept labor’s claim to represent it.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Jon K Webber ◽  
Gregory W Goussak

Many people consider the term common sense to be undefinable yet it is recognizable when one sees it in action. The same holds true for the word leadership, which has several thousand opinions on what it represents yet there is no a clear and acceptable classification or definition from theorists or practitioners.   The third term, emerging manager, also is mystifying because the people it really applies to do not always comprehend that someone is talking about them.  Let’s first define what we are talking about when using these expressions so we are all on the same page for further discussion.Common sense in the vernacular of this chapter relates to something that is a recognizable best practice that if not performed would indicate to others that person is lacking the ability to understand how to handle an issue in the proper business way.  An example of this would be if a certain repeat visit Diamond level player had requested a certain type of room every time he came to your casino and for some reason the online system does not have that request shown on the screen then the common sense decision would be what? To accommodate that person so they can spend more time at the tables instead of arguing with staff over items that neither party can resolve at that moment. You certainly would not want to have them move to another hotel using their other high level loyalty card over an entry error, would you? The right decision on your part would be what we would call common sense.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 877-892
Author(s):  
George Duke

This article argues that the natural law common good is the best candidate value to ground a direct justification of political authority. The common good is better placed than rival values to ground a direct justification for three related reasons. First, the common good is the right kind of value to serve in a justification of political authority insofar as it is a reason for action which provides a convincing answer to the fundamental question ‘why have authority at all?’ Second, the common good allows for a justification of political authority that pertains to a complete political community rather than subjects taken individually. Third, the common good allows for a reconciliation of two apparently conflicting features of political authority: (1) its ultimate role is to promote the good of individuals and (2) it can require the subordination of the good of the individual to the good of the community.


1996 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff McMahan

Intervention often violates both respect for state sovereignty and the right to self-determination. McMahan focuses on the latter ethical dimension rather than the former political and legal one, although his claims have important implications for issues of state sovereignty. He challenges the common assumption that respect for self-determination requires an almost exceptionless doctrine of nonintervention by first defining the notions of “intervention” and “self-determination,” and then analyzing Walzer's doctrine of nonintervention. The recognition that there are different ideals of self-determination results in a less rigid and more permissive doctrine of nonintervention.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 89-93
Author(s):  
Dobrochna Bach-Golecka

From the perspective of international law, democracy may be regarded as a multifaceted phenomenon. On the one hand, it reflects the collective right of self-governance of a particular political community; on the other hand, it reflects an individual entitlement to participate in the conduct of public affairs of one's country. Democracy is connected to the principle of self-determination, understood as the freedom of a group to decide the system under which it wishes to live, while requiring a formalized set of voting procedures in order to implement this freedom. Democracy is focused on the procedural aspect of organizing elections, while not mandating any particular substantive outcome of those elections. In this essay, I propose that the right to democratic governance should be supplemented with a more robust concept: the substantive notion of good governance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Klymenko Kyrylo ◽  

The article provides an analysis of the possibility of separatist formations in Ukraine to refer to the principle of self-determination of peoples as a justification for their activities. The minimum necessary criteria of legal bases for self-determination are considered, among which: the existence of effective connection of the subject of self-determination with a certain territory; the existence of the subject itself, i.e., the people (ethnic group), which claims self-determination; and the recognition by the international community of such a potential entity as the bearer of the right to self-determination. Regarding the connection with the territory, the doctrine of international law and practice recognizes the right to cultural and national self-determination in a particular territory for any ethnic group. This right is limited to the common interests of all the people of the state, which consists in the unconditional preservation of the inviolability and integrity of its territory. As for the existence of the subject of self-determination, the people is recognized as the historical community of people formed in a certain area and have stable features of the language, culture, and mental composition (mentality), as well as aware of their unity and difference from others through conscious self-name. At the same time, diasporas and migrants must be subject to the laws of the country of residence under the right of citizenship or the right of permanent residence. As for the recognition of the subject of self-determination by the international community, it may recognize as the people those who are under colonial rule, occupation by a foreign state, or against whom a policy of racism is pursued. Thus, international law does not protect separatist movements aimed at secession if they do not meet these criteria. This means that separatist formations in Ukraine do not have the right to secession but are terrorist organizations in terms of their methods of activity. Keywords: people, international recognition, right to self-determination, secession, territory


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andriy BAZYLEVYCH ◽  

Among the seven "Ss" in the Ukrainian language - Sweets, Sports, Sleep, Sex, Smile, Communication and Relationships - the last two components are perhaps the most important. Communication shapes the human essence. The modern features of human communication, associated with the era of digitalization, when gadgets replace natural human communication are especially interesting. According to a study by Columbia University led by Maya Rossignac-Milon, the common reality is seen as a "third partner" in any relationship. The pinnacle of a relationship is a good family. Healthy relationships in the family are characterized by communication and the desire to maintain a high level of respect and trust. Every personality is a builder of their Happiness and therefore has the right to choose what they want in their life! Communicate, build relationships and stay well! Key words: сommunication, relationships, sources of happiness, digitalization, common reality.


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