scholarly journals Kontradiksi Demokrasi Liberal dan “Akhir Sejarah” Yang Tertunda

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-104
Author(s):  
Eva Novi Karina

Due to historical developments and the works of theorists such as Francis Fukuyama, predominant political-economic literature has claimed that the combination of a “free market economy” and “liberal democracy built on equal rights” results in the most developed form of human society. With economic and political liberalism, societies of Western Europe and North America “at the vanguard of civilization” considered have reached the endpoint of humankind’s ideological evolution hence Western liberal democracy has been perceived as the final form of human government. However, the current rising wave of right-wing populism along with the exercise of protectionist economic measures in the most developed democratic countries has shown that democracy has begun to malfunction. Depart from this point, this article aims to re-examine the relationship between free market and democracy, and analyses the real inequalities manifested in income and the ownership of the means of production, and the inequalities within capitals, and between capital and wage labor. It concludes that the logic of market mechanisms poses a threat to democracy, while the extension of democracy would inevitably limit the freedom of the market and curb capital accumulation.

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 793-809 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annamária Artner

This article re-examines the relationship between the liberal democracy and the free market with special regard to changes caused by globalization. It concludes that the logic of market mechanisms poses a threat to democracy, while the extension of democracy would inevitably limit the freedom of the market and curb capital accumulation. The globalized free market and liberal democracy contradict each other, and their tandem may be the most developed form of capitalism, but not of human society in general.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
FX.Adji Samekto

The dominance of global capitalism is the result of a long historical process in Western Europe since the Enlightenment in the seventeenth century, the philosophers led by a very large influence on the political-economic thought and legal relationship with the state and its citizens.Capitalism and free market mechanisms become increasingly strong with sustained legal concept of rule of law. The principle of the rule of law actually originally not intended to be a means of achieving public objectives or to solve the problems of society such as the problem of poverty. Rule of law is intended to create a stable structure for individuals and businesses associated with economic activities.Linkage between laissez faire, the rule of law is logically implicated in the growth of the view that the existence of the state is to protect the free market. That is phenomena of globalization. The dominance of the rules of law which is intended to facilitate the interests of the free market encourage the implementation of adjustment programs by the state in Third World. As a result, however, it become difficult to realize policies in favor of poverty, meeting basic needs and alignments on the rights of local communities, the embodiment of social justice and environmental protection.


Author(s):  
Janusz Reykowski

The main theme of the book is the resurgence in the countries of liberal democracy, the political movements that express an approval for violence as a mean of attaining group goals. From ancient time, violence was a commonly accepted, dominant way of gaining wealth, prestige, and fame, as well as a means of social control and socialization of young generations. Human communities attempted to regulate and curtail violence, primarily in intragroup relations. A major change in attitude toward violence was brought about by the development of liberal culture and liberal institutions that saw individual freedom and individual rights as fundamental values. The role of violence was to be limited by two main institutions: the free market and liberal democracy, both of which regard individual freedom as a cardinal principle. However, they have both turned out to be fallible. Conflicts of interests, ideological or world views contradictions, and identity differences are sources of destructive conflicts that trigger various forms of violence: political, economic, symbolic, and physical. This book focuses on two issues. One refers to the psychological nature of the main conflicts and the question of whether those conflicts are intractable and must necessarily lead to destructive consequences. The other, concerns the imperfections of liberal institutions, which render them unable to perform sufficiently well one of their basic functions, that is, removing violence from the sphere of human relations. This analysis is carried out from a specific perspective, focusing on psychological sources and consequences of the phenomena discussed in the book.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes A. van der Ven

AbstractIn Political Liberalism, expanded edition, Rawls repeatedly wants religions to accept liberal democracy for intrinsic reasons from their own religious premises, not as a modus vivendi. This article is to be considered an exploration in that field. In the first part the narrative of the St. Paul’s speech before the Areopagus in Athens by Luke is hermeneutically analyzed, as it tries to find common ground with Hellenistic philosophy and to do so by using deliberative rhetoric. In the second part these two characteristics of the Lukean story are considered the building blocks for the intrinsic acceptance of liberal democracy, albeit not in a substantive, but a formal key. The common ground Luke explored then was religious in nature, whereas in our days, at least in North-Western Europe, religion belongs to a cognitive minority. Moreover philosophy does not provide a common ground either, as there is a pluralism of competing schools nowadays. But intercontextual hermeneutics metaphorically permits to draw the following quadratic equation: as Lukean Paul related the Christian message to his philosophical context in order to find common ground, so we are to relate it to our context, the common ground of which is not philosophical, but political, which refers to the context of public reason. This article argues for accepting Rawls’ concept of using a bilingual language game for religion to present its religious convictions into the public debate and in due course translate them in terms of public reason. Such a translation requires a deliberative argumentation, that corresponds to the rules of logics and epistemology in practical reason.


This book critically reflects on the failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. The book argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world. Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq War and denying their connection to contemporary events could mean that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Dmitry Nechevin ◽  
Leonard Kolodkin

The article is devoted to the prerequisites of the reforms of the Russian Empire of the sixties of the nineteenth century, their features, contradictions: the imperial status of foreign policy and the lagging behind the countries of Western Europe in special political, economic relations. The authors studied the activities of reformers and the nobility on the peasant question, as well as legitimate conservatism.


Author(s):  
Robert J. Antonio

Distinguished by extreme, systematized rationalism, Weber argued, bourgeois culture makes the social world in some ways more predictable and more comfortable but precludes a widely shared good life and social justice. He stressed emphatically that free-market capitalism, by maximizing formal rationality oriented to capital accounting and profitability, produces substantively “irrational” consequences that undermine the sociocultural and material fabric needed to sustain it. More than forty years of neoliberal restructuring, designed to accelerate capital accumulation at almost any cost, has generated massive corporate scandals, extreme economic inequalities, and global environmental problems that threaten its political legitimacy and social and ecological foundations. This chapter explores how Weber anticipated the types of substantive irrationalities suffered by today’s neoliberal regimes.


Author(s):  
Pedro Francés

RESUMENEste trabajo tiene como objetivo responder a las críticas al liberalismo formuladas en un reciente trabajo de Carlos Kohn. Para mostrar esto expondré, en primer lugar, por qué pienso que Kohn generaliza ilegítimamente una concepción bastante estrecha de liberalismo, relacionada con la economía. En segundo lugar señalaré los límites de esa concepción, y cómo puede definirse otra más comprehensiva, en la que enmarcaré la mayor parte del liberalismo político contemporáneo y, un tanto audazmente, el contractualismo clásico de Hobbes. En tercer lugar, trateré de mostrar que, esta versión comprehensiva es una razonable descripción de la política, que no depende lógicamente de suposiciones dudosas sobre los presupuestos y requisitos de la economía de mercado y que, por ello, escapa indemne a la crítica de KohnPALABRAS CLAVELIBERALISMO-LIBERALISMO POLÍTICO-DEMOCRACIA LIBERAL-CAPITALISMOABSTRACTThe paper aims to revise the critiques to liberalism recently formulated by Carlos Kohn. i will explain, firstly, why I think Kohn wrongly generalizes a quite thin conception of liberalism, related to the economy. Secondly, I will suggest the limitations of that conception. Instead, another, more comprehensive notion can be formulated that can encompass both contemporary political liberalism and, even audaciously, Hobbes' cassical contractualism. Thirdly, I will argue that this comprehensive notion is a reasonable description of politics. it does not depend on doubtfull assumptions over the principles of market economy. hence, it escapes Kohn's critique.KEYWORDSLIBERALISM- POLITICAL LIBERALISM-LIBERAL DEMOCRACY-CAPITALISM


Author(s):  
Ayhan Guney ◽  
Ilkin M. Sabiroglu ◽  
Cihan Bulut

Every country has experienced various capital accumulation processes due to their own specific conditions. Differences in these conditions have ensured various countries to enter the process of economic development in dissimilar historical periods. Due to the central characteristics of the previous command economic system and the impact of powerful heritage from the USSR on the bureaucratic administration, Azerbaijan is still having difficulties in transitioning to a free-market economy. Today, the transition to an open market economy for Azerbaijan is not completely realized. This research attempts to investigate the major factors of the formation process of the capitalist economic structure in Azerbaijan before and after the demise of the Soviet Union.It focused on the fundamental role of oil and relatively, the agricultural sector and also looked into the types of capitalism the country is currently experiencing based upon certain criteria and statistical indicators.


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