scholarly journals Iraq, the Pentagon and the battle for Arab hearts and minds

2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-13
Author(s):  
Patrick Ensor

Two months after ‘liberating’ Iraq, the Anglo-American authorities in Baghdad decided to control the new and free Iraqi press. Newspapers that publish ‘wild stories’, material deemed provocative or capable of inciting ethnic violence, are being threatened or shut down. A controlled press is a ‘responsible press — just what Saddam Hussein used to say about the press his deposed regime produced. In this edition of Pacific Journalism Review, essays by media commentators present several perspectives on the war and its aftermath. Patrick Ensor gives an overview, Louise Matthews provides media context for the war, John Pilger challenges journalists, Mohamed Al-Bendary profiles the pan-Arab satellite boom, and Alastair Thompson and Russell Brown examine the New Zealand media connection. Cartoonists Steve Bell (The Guardian) and Deven (Le Mauricien) add their views. Critical of the ‘embedded’ media, Bell laments: ‘There’s never been a more dangerous time to be a journalist at war.’

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Keating

<p>This thesis investigates the attitudes of New Zealand newspapers to the social and economic tensions exacerbated by the emergence of a newly assertive labour movement in 1890, culminating in the August-November Maritime Strike, and the 5 December General Election. Through detailed analysis of labour reporting in six newspapers (Evening Post, Grey River Argus, Lyttelton Times, New Zealand Herald, Otago Daily Times, Press) this thesis examines contemporary conceptions of New Zealand society and editors’ expectations of trade unions in a colony that emphasised its egalitarian mythology. Although the establishment of a national press agency in 1880 homogenised the distribution of national and international news, this study focuses on local news and editorial columns, which generally reflected proprietors’ political leanings. Through these sites of ideological contest, conflicting representations of the ascendant trade union movement became apparent. While New Zealand newspapers sympathised with the striking London dockers in 1889, the advent of domestic industrial tensions provoked a wider range of reactions in the press. Strikes assumed a national significance, and the divisions between liberal and conservative newspapers narrowed. To varying degrees both considered militant action by organised labour a threat to the colony’s peace and prosperity – sentiments that pervaded their reporting. The New Zealand Maritime Strike confirmed these prejudices and calcified the perception of organised labour’s malevolence. Despite the year’s upheavals, this thesis contends that the press struggled to comprehend labour’s political ambitions, ignoring the unprecedented mobilisation of thousands of new voters, shifting public opinion, and the transformative impact of electoral reform. Distracted by the mainstream political obsession with land reform and convinced that public prejudices, stoked by their own reporting, would obviate a labour presence in the new parliament, the victory of the Liberal-labour coalition confounded the publishing establishment.</p>


1946 ◽  
Vol 6 (01) ◽  
pp. 23-34
Author(s):  
A. F. Murray

Ever since the abrupt announcement that Lend Lease was to be discontinued, the attention of the British public has been focused on Anglo-American economic problems. So furious has been the spate of articles (well informed and otherwise) launched by the Press, and so vociferous have been the supporters of wholly divergent views, that most people must by this time be heartily sick of the whole subject. I must therefore apologize for inflicting upon the Society the subsequent remarks on such a well-worn theme, but in self-defence would explain that the subject was chosen before the recent clamour and shouting arose.


2020 ◽  
Vol 176 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-92
Author(s):  
Ian Huffer

New Zealand is one of only a handful of countries worldwide in which Chinese blockbusters are regularly released in cinemas and has also been a site of increasing debate regarding China’s soft power. This article consequently examines the circulation of Chinese films in New Zealand, not only through theatrical exhibition but also non-theatrical channels, and considers how this might build a platform for soft power. It considers the balance between ‘official’ and ‘unofficial’ mainland filmmaking, and between mainland filmmaking and Hong Kong, Taiwanese and diasporic filmmaking, along with the target audiences for these different channels. The article shows that, taken as a whole, the distribution and exhibition landscape for Chinese film in New Zealand builds a successful platform for the People’s Republic of China’s aspirations of winning the ‘hearts and minds’ of overseas Chinese, while also being characterised by clear limitations in reaching non-Chinese audiences in New Zealand.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Caroline Slocock

In the early 1970s, a number of Vietnam veterans sought publication for a collection of veterans' creative writing which they felt could make an important contribution to a political understanding of the war in Indochina. However, efforts to find a commercial publisher for their anthology met with no success. Their conviction that this literature both deserved and could find a substantial audience led these writers to establish their own independent publisher for the literature of Vietnam veterans, the 1st [sic] Casualty Press. In 1972, the Press published an anthology of veterans' poetry, Winning Hearts and Minds (or WHAM as it is often called), edited by Larry Rottmann, Jan Barry and Basil T. Paquet; it was followed a year later by Free Fire Zone, an anthology of short stories edited by Rottmann, Paquet and Wayne Karlin. As their epigraph, both volumes were given the quotation: “In war, truth is the first casualty.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
María Muelas Gil

Metaphor has been studied as a pervasive and intrinsic discourse tool over the last decades in many different types of discourse (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, Semino 2008, Kövecses 2010, etc.). Considering the strong effect it has on the discourse participants and how it can persuade them towards one side, action, or thought (Charteris-Black 2004, Silaski 2012), it is necessary to study it when the timeframe and the discourse where it is used are ideologically loaded. Based on recent studies on metaphor in economics (Alejo 2010, Herrera-Soler and White 2012, Soares da Silva et al. 2017), metaphor in the press (Koller 2004/2008) and metaphor and ideology (Goatly 2007, Silaski 2012), this article presents a corpus-based study of metaphor in reports of economic affairs in the English and Spanish press during the pre-election week of 2015. The corpus (about 160,000 words) consists of reports published by six newspapers that support different political spheres (left, centre and right): The Guardian, The Independent and The Telegraph in English, and Público, El País and ABC in Spanish. From a Critical Metaphor Analysis perspective (Charteris-Black 2004), the study starts from the hypothesis that the political stand of each newspaper might condition the metaphors. Indeed, metaphors pointing at certain side of political spheres appear in all the sub-corpora of the study, but in distinctive ways, as will be shown. In any case, critical factors such as cognitive and cultural reasons beyond the political stand of the media in question need to be acknowledged as well, which conveys further and more comprehensive analyses.


Significance Police know the attackers' identities but are controlling the release of such details until it is time to seek cooperation from the wider public. Impacts The attack will play to May's pose as a strong leader in the Thatcher image while glossing over her record for cutting police resources. Tackling terrorism will require winning minorities' hearts and minds, not demonising them, as in parts of the press. Debate will intensify over technology companies' role in facilitating radicalisation, which is arguably a distraction from its real causes.


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-331

The Council of the ANZUS Pacific Security Pact met in Washington on October 2, 1958. It was reported that the major emphasis during the meeting was given to the situation existing in the Formosa Straits. Thus in a statement issued following the meeting, the three member governments, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States, called on the Chinese communists to discontinue their attacks on Quemoy and Matsu as a first step to a peaceful settlement. According to the press, the statement also expressed the principle that armed force should not be used to achieve territorial ambitions, and indicated agreement among the participants that militant and subversive communist expansionism remained the greatest threat to the peaceful progress of the free world. The member governments of ANZUS were represented as follows: for the United States, Mr. Dulles (Secretary of State), for Australia, Mr. Casey (Minister for External Affairs), and for New Zealand, Mr. Nash (Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs).


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Innocent Chiluwa

This paper attempts to show how social and political crises are constructed, represented/mediated in the Nigerian print media news headlines. Nigeria’s leading newsmagazines and newspapers namely The News, Newswatch, Tell, The Guardian and The Punch are selected for the study. From a corpus of thirty-two news headlines being the publications of the above news media between 2000 and 2006, fifteen headlines and their overlines covering the years that marked the end of military rule and the consolidation of democratic government in Nigeria are purposively selected and analyzed within the framework of the systemic model and critical linguistics. The study shows that socio-political crises have been frequent in Nigeria and that the much anticipated recovery associated with democracy has so far eluded the country. In fact the country has witnessed more social crises, national disasters and ethnic violence in the seven years of civil government than at other times. The study also shows that news headlines — an integral part of media discourse, is an instrument for molding social actions, attitudes and perceptions and are also used as an ideological tool for social criticism. Some of the headlines however, exaggerated the crises and indeed misinformed the general public about the identities and activities of certain people as well as the state of security in Nigeria.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-662
Author(s):  
TOM F. WRIGHT

Ralph Waldo Emerson's delivery of his essay “England” at Manhattan’s Clinton Hall on 22 January 1850 was one of the highest-profile of his performance career. He had recently returned from his triumphant British speaking tour with a radically revised view of transatlantic relations. In a New York still in shock from the Anglophobic urban riots of the previous winter, media observers were prepared to find a great deal of symbolism in both Emerson's new message and his idiosyncratic style of performance. This essay provides a detailed account of the context, delivery and conflicting newspaper readings of this Emerson appearance. Considering the lecture circuit as part of broader performance culture and debates over Anglo-American physicality and manners, it reveals how the press seized on both the “England” talk itself and aspects of Emerson's lecturing style as a means of shoring up civic order and Anglo-American kinship. I argue for a reexamination of the textual interchanges of nineteenth-century oratorical culture, and demonstrate how lecture reports reconnect us to forgotten means of listening through texts and discursive contests over the meaning of public speech.


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