scholarly journals Die schwarzen Hefte: ihre Rezeption, ihr Einfluss auf die Wirkungsgeschichte des Denkens Martin Heideggers und ihre Sachgemäße Auslegungsweise

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Rosa Maria Marafioti ◽  

A few months before their publication in 2014, the first Martin Heidegger’s Black Notebooks already introduced a new phase of the debate about Heidegger’s supposed National Socialism and Antisemitism, since they contain questionable references to Jewish people. As of yet, most of the interpretations come down to five theses. Whilst several interpreters assert that the whole Heideggeran thought is anti-Semitic, others refer this ‘‘accusation’’ to a brief period in Heidegger’s life or rather attribute to this thinker an anti-Judaism inherited from the Christian tradition. Some scholars classify Heidegger’s sentences as a general critique of civilisation, whereas others pretend that the Heideggerian philosophical thought was untouched by whichever issues related to politics and race. Ascertaining the flaws in the approach of many interpreters of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks, the necessity of reading them by means of the hermeneutical method in order to reach an appropriate contextualisation is to be stressed. Only in this way can the various themes of the Notebooks be unveiled, as well as the limits and the magnitude of the Heideggerian thought. Keywords: Interpretation, relationship between Philosophy and Politics, critique of modernity, Judaism, question of Being

Lex Russica ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 105-121
Author(s):  
A. P. Grakhotskiy

The trial against Karlsruhe criminal police Secretary Adolf Rube, held in 1949, was the first trial in Germany, during which Nazi atrocities committed on the territory of Belarus were considered. By the example of this process, the paper attempts to identify the specifics of West Germany courts’ consideration of criminal cases related to the commission of Holocaust crimes in Eastern Europe. German law excluded the possibility of punishing Nazi criminals for genocide, crimes against peace and humanity. Guided by the norms of the German Criminal Code of 1871, German justice considered each case of murder of Jews during the years of national socialism as a separate crime, caused by personal motives. Based on this, A. Rube was punished not for participating in the state-organized, bureaucratically planned genocide of the Jewish people, but for committing separate, unrelated murders. The defendant, who was accused of killing 436 Jews in the Minsk ghetto, was found guilty of unlawfully depriving 27 people of their lives and sentenced to life imprisonment. However, in 1962 he was amnestied and was released. By presenting the Holocaust as a mosaic of individual, unrelated criminal acts, German justice maintained the illusion that "normal" Germans "knew nothing" about the mass extermination of Jews, that the Holocaust was solely the product of the Hitler’s actions, his fanatical entourage, and individual "pathological sadists," "sex maniacs," and "upstarts" such as A. Rube, who sought to assert themselves at the expense of Jewish victims.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200942091470
Author(s):  
Philipp Graf

Beginning with an encounter between Erich Honecker and the Jewish communist Leo Zuckermann that took place in Mexico City in September 1981, this article investigates the relationship of the communist movement in the German-speaking world to the ‘Jewish question’ and the Holocaust. At a reception of the GDR embassy on the occasion of Honecker’s state visit, the Chairman of the State Council shook hands with Zuckermann, a formerly high-ranking Socialist Unity Party of Germany functionary who had fled the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1952, and assured him that he was happy to see him again. This gesture by Honecker rehabilitated a man over whom a blanket of silence had been spread in the GDR decades earlier: during his first exile in Mexico, Zuckermann had developed positions that granted the Jewish people in light of the crimes of National Socialism the right both to restitution and to an independent state. This article offers new insights into the genesis of Zuckermann’s thinking and illuminates the reactions of the party leadership, which was surprisingly not opposed to such partisanship on behalf of the Jewish collective during a short ‘interim period’ from 1943/4 to 1948/9.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-83
Author(s):  
David Wildermuth

By most accounts, the March 2013 television event Unsere Mütter, Unsere Väter (UMUV) marks an important milestone in the evolving cinematic treatment of the Third Reich, World War II, and the Holocaust. Winner of the Goldene Kamera for best television film of 2013, UMUV could boast such positive reviews and sensational viewer ratings as few other television films in the almost seventy-year existence of the Federal Republic. Frank Schirrmacher, co-editor of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, credited the film with ushering in “a new phase of the cinematic-historic treatment of National Socialism,” specifically praising Nico Hofmann, the film’s producer, for his “seriousness, attention to detail, and uncompromising” approach to the film. The Süddeutsche Zeitung praised it as “epochal” and “awaking the war in its entire monstrosity.” Der Spiegel lauded the film as “a new milepost of German cultural remembrance,” for posing “the most important [entscheidende] question for those born after: “how would I have acted?” Even Martin Schulz, the German president of the European Parliament, weighed in on the film, praising the film’s emphasis on the subjective perspectives of the protagonists. His argument for the innate power of the cinematic medium over the written word was echoed by screenwriter Stefan Kolditz, who asserted that the film—like all films—represents, “condensed reality.”


1997 ◽  
pp. 355-380
Author(s):  
Yaacov Shavit

This chapter addresses issues in the new Jewish historical consciousness. ‘History’ in this context meant not only the knowledge of the national chronology, but the collective experience of the people, its past and future, its aspirations, hopes, and destiny. The call for a return to the Jewish past meant both changing the nature of Jewish activities and attitudes and reconstructing the people’s self-awareness; namely, the creation of a new historical consciousness. The chronicles of the Jewish people, its collective experience, faith, and destiny in history, its perceptions and myths, became the core of its self-definition and identity. Jews in modern times not only ‘returned to history’, they also related to their history as the principal manifestation of their identity. But if historical consciousness is so vital and if modern historical understanding constitutes a radical departure from the Judaeo-Christian tradition and a turning back to Greek (that is, pagan) historical conceptions, the chapter questions if the new Jewish historical consciousness be could founded on the basis of a view of history that knew nothing of Scripture and a philosophy that was trying to free itself from Scripture.


Author(s):  
Timothy P. Jackson

Paradoxically, no other subjects of modern inquiry are as likely to generate false consolation as the Holocaust and anti-Semitism. Even as we acknowledge the enormity of these twin evils and resolve not to forget or repeat them, we deem them opaque or purely irrational phenomena, thereby minimizing them. We are tempted to relativize the effects of the Shoah and general hatred of the Jews by pointing to the emergence of the state of Israel on earth, or to the redemption of the elect in heaven, as compensation. More dangerously still, we blind ourselves to the objective causes of the pervasive malice by denying that there are objective causes. I argue, in contrast, that every Jew interred in a Nazi death camp was a prisoner of conscience, even as every Jew murdered by the Nazis was a martyr. It was Jewish conscience and Jewish faith themselves that the Nazis loathed and wished to eliminate by degrading and finally destroying the Jewish people. The pantheistic naturalism at the core of National Socialism—a.k.a. survival of the fittest—inevitably conflicted with Jewish moral monotheism. To this day, the erotic mind does not relish being dependent upon and decentered by God’s righteousness. If we insist the Holocaust was pure insanity without any objective basis, we fail to appreciate its radical evil. If we blind ourselves to how Christian supersessionism made the genocide possible (if not inevitable), we make the Shoah more likely to be repeated. This is not to blame the victims but to name the victimizers: our instinctually prideful selves.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Anatolii Podolskyi ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of the formation of culture and policy Memory of the Holocaust victims in modern Ukraine. On the example of the international scholar and educational project „Protecting Memory”, which has been going on in Ukraine for more than ten years, the author analyzes the current state, trends, challenges and prospects of creating places of Memory and culture honoring the memory of World War II victims. war, including Ukrainian Jews and Ukrainian Roma. The article also provides a thorough analysis of the fundamental differences in the policy of remembrance for the victims of the Holocaust during the communist regime in Ukrainian lands and in modern democratic Ukraine. In the period from 1945 to 1991, the Communist authorities of the Ukraine banned a special memory of Jewish people, which were the victims of the Holocaust, all victims of National Socialism (official title of the Nazi part − NSDAP in German) during World War II were marked by the euphemism of the Soviet regime as „peaceful Soviet citizens”. The anti-Semitic policy was particularly harsh between 1948 and 1953, when Ukrainian Jews affected by the Nazi occupation came under the brunt of Soviet postwar repression. Thus, the feature of the tragic fate of Jewish communities during the domination of the Nazi anti-Semitic ideology and practice was completely leveled. The USSR denied the identities of civilian victims of the Nazi occupation, especially Jewish people and Roma. Only in the days of sovereign and independent Ukraine, the identity and memory of the victims of the Holocaust and the Roma Genocide in Ukraine were revived. One of the most powerful examples of restoring the historical memory of these civilian victims of the Nazi regime in Ukraine was the „Protecting Memory” project. Thanks to this project, during 2010−2020 in five regions of Ukraine − Lviv, Rivne, Volyn, Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr regions, 20 Memorials to Ukrainian Jewish people and Roma who were killed by Nazi punitive forces and their helpers during the German occupation of Ukraine in 1941−1944 were established. Key words: Holocaust, Antisemitism, Nazism, Stalin repressions Memory politics, World War II, Ukrainian Jews, Ukrainian Roma.


Author(s):  
T. Schober

Nb, Ta and V are prototype substances for the study of the endothermic reactions of H with metals. Such metal-hydrogen reactions have gained increased importance due to the application of metal-hydrides in hydrogen- und heat storage devices. Electron microscopy and diffraction were demonstrated to be excellent methods in the study of hydride morphologies and structures (1). - Figures 1 and 2 show the NbH and TaH phase diagrams (2,3,4). EM techniques have contributed substantially to the elucidation of the structures and domain configurations of phases β, ζ and ε (1,4). Precision length measurement techniques of distances in reciprocal space (5) recently led to a detailed understanding of the distortions of the unit cells of phases ζ and ε (4). In the same work (4) the existence of the new phase η was shown. It is stable near -68 °C. The sequence of transitions is thus below 70 %.


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