scholarly journals Guardianship for Popular Sobriety in Russia at the Beginning of 20th Century: from Wine Monopoly to “Dry Law”

2021 ◽  
pp. 426-450
Author(s):  
I. A. Shevchenko ◽  
E. V. Chernykh

The article is devoted to the guardianship of popular sobriety — institutions created by the government of the Russian Empire at the end of the 19th century to organize the fight against excessive alcohol consumption at the provincial and district levels. The study describes the situation with the consumption of alcoholic beverages in Russia at the turn of the XIX—XX centuries, provides the main provisions of the state wine monopoly, introduced in 1895 with the direct participation of the Minister of Finance S. Yu. Witte. Based on the Charter of Guardianship of People’s Sobriety, the authors describe their powers, composition, and features of work organization. Based on the analysis of diverse sources (including unpublished archival sources), the article characterizes the diverse activities of guardianship in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, as well as its assessment by contemporaries. The conclusion is made about the relatively low efficiency of the work of sober institutions due to their bureaucracy and insufficient funding. The article describes the problem of reforming the guardianship, which was discussed with varying intensity in the 1900—1910s in the Ministry of Finance, the State Council, public and zemstvo circles. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the problems faced by the guardianship of popular sobriety during the First World War after the introduction of the “Prohibition”. The scientific novelty of the research lies in an attempt to analyze the entire set of issues related to the activities of guardianship in the period under review, starting from documents of a legal and office-work nature, statistical materials, periodicals, journalistic and memoir literature.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-169
Author(s):  
Yulia Vladimirovna Kuznetsova

The paper attempts to provide, on the basis of archival and published materials, a brief description of the state of general prisons in the Russian Empire in the 19th century on the example of the Orenburg province. In the first half of the XIX century, many prison buildings were in a dilapidated state, most of them were wooden. The prisoners suffered from overcrowding, they were not separated by sex and age, the sick were kept together with the healthy ones, they were hungry, they lived in begging. Very often the premises for prisons were private rental houses. There were no medical personnel in prisons, there were epidemics that led to a huge increase in mortality. As for the work, in the first half of the XIX century in prison locks and guards it was introduced in the rarest cases, since there were no special rooms for this. In the post-reform period, many prison premises were repaired, premises began to be rented for hospitals, the prisoners diet improved in the 1980s. The payment for arrest labor was introduced, the educational activity in prisons improved. Despite the measures taken by the government, the state of ordinary prisons in the southern Urals throughout the XIX century was still deplorable due to the fact that there was not enough money, or the local administration was not interested in improving the situation of the prisoners and the state of the prisons themselves.


Author(s):  
E. V. Shishkina ◽  

The article analyzes the measures of the state-confessional policy of the Russian Empire in relation to the education of children of Old Believers in the 19th — early 20th centuries and their implementation in the Perm province. It is concluded that the religious policy of the state in relation to the education of the children of Old Believers was inconsistent and underwent all the fluctuations of the government course: from discriminatory measures in the second quarter of the 19th century until the softening of the policy of the authorities in the second half of the century. The conclusion is made about the ineffectiveness of prohibitive measures of the state in relation to teachers and schools of Old Believers, about a certain discrepancy in legislation and its application in the Perm province. The article provides data on the number of Old Believers’ students in various schools of the Perm province at the beginning of the 20th century, which indicates that only a small number of Old Believers preferred education in state educational institutions to traditional home education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Zorgbibe

“Whenever a large organized group believes it has the right to resist the sovereign power and considers itself capable of resorting to arms, war between the two parties should take place in the same manner as between nations…” This statement by de Vattel in the 19th century seemed destined to take its place as a part of positive law, constituting part of what was known as recognition of belligerency, tantamount to the recognition by the established government of an equal status for insurgents and regular belligerents. When a civil war became extensive enough, the State attacked would understand that it was wisest to acknowledge the existence of a state of war with part of the population. This would, at the same time, allow the conflict to be seen in a truer light. The unilateral action of the legal government in recognizing belligerency would be the condition for granting belligerent rights to the parties. It would constitute a demonstration of humanity on the part of the government of the State attacked and would also provide that government with prospects for effective pursuit of the war. By admitting that it was forced to resort to war, it would at least have its hands free to make war seriously.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-105
Author(s):  
Boris V. Nosov ◽  
Lyudmila P. Marney

The article is devoted to the problems of the regional policy of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 19th century discussed in the latest Russian historiography, to the peculiarities of the state-legal status and administrative practice of the Kingdom of Poland. It was the time when basic principles and a special structure of management at the outlying regions of the empire were developed, and when special (historical, national, and cultural) regions were formed on the periphery of the Empire. The policy of the Russian government in relation to the Kingdom of Poland depended both on the fundamental trends in the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe (as reflected in international treaties), as well as on the internal political development of the empire, and the peculiarities of political, legal, social, economic, cultural processes in the Kingdom and on Polish lands in Austria and Prussia. All these aspects have an impact on the debate that historians and legal experts are conducting on the state and legal status of parts of the lands of the former Principality of Warsaw that were included in the Russian Empire in 1815 by the decision of the Congress of Vienna. The fundamental political principles of the Russian Empire in the Kingdom of Poland in the first half of the 19th century were a combination of autocracy (with individual elements of enlightened absolutism), based on centralized bureaucratic control, and relatively decentralized political, administrative and estate structures, which assumed the presence of local self-government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 141-144
Author(s):  
I. K. Shcherbakova

The article analyses the features of the development of agriculture in Russia at the end of the 19th century - the beginning of the 20th century. The paper studies and considers attempts to solve the agrarian issue in the specified period. The study considers the course and results of the reform of 1861, as well as economic reforms of the beginning of the 20th century. The author gives an assessment of these reforms, as well as the situation of the peasantry made by the leading economists of that time: N.D. Kondrat'ev, S.L. Maslov, A.V. Peshekhonov, A.V. Chayanov, and also analyses the measures aimed at alleviating the situation of the peasantry and solving the agrarian problems of that period. The research paper also presents a comparative analysis of the consequences of the 1861 reform, its impact on the solution of the agrarian issue in different parts of the Russian Empire, in particular in Poland after the Polish Uprising of 1863.


2020 ◽  
pp. 360-374
Author(s):  
Evgeny V. Igumnov

The activities of military topographers in Western Siberia to provide cartographic information on the foreign and domestic policies of the Russian Empire in Central Asia and Siberia in the 19th century are considered in the article. The role of information in the formation of the Russian Empire is emphasized. The contribution of the state to the organization of the study of the Asian regions of Russia and neighboring countries is noted. The establishment of the military topographic service in Western Siberia can be traced taking into account data on administrative transformations in the Siberian region, and on changes in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The participation of military topographers in determining and designating the state border with China is described in detail. The question of the role of military topographers in the scientific study of China and Mongolia is raised. The significance of the activities of military topographers for the policy of the Russian Empire on the socio-economic development of Siberia and the north-eastern part of the territory of modern Kazakhstan is revealed. The contribution of topographers to the construction of the Trans-Siberian railway, the design of river channels and new land routes is revealed. A large amount of literary sources, materials on the work of military topographers of Western Siberia, published in “Notes of the Military Topographic Department of the General Staff” is used in the article.


2019 ◽  
pp. 48-51
Author(s):  
I. Shcherbakova

An attempt to solve the agrarian question at the beginning of the 20th century has been analyzed. The interaction and confrontation of two ministries – the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of the Interior and local authorities: local committees of the Special Meeting on the needs of the agricultural industry and provincial committees of the Editorial Commission of the Ministry of the Interior, their attempts to discuss and resolve the peasant issue at the beginning of the 20th century, – have been examined. It has been substantiated, that at the beginning of the 20th century the state authorities did not develop a unified course in resolving the peasant issue and only the events of the 1905 revolution forced the government to take emergency measures in the development of agricultural legislation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 267-276
Author(s):  
Alexander Yu. Polunov

The article analyzes the issue of conceptualization by Russian public leaders and publicists of the causes and goals of the turn of Russian foreign policy to the East at the end of the 19th century. In those years there took shape the idea of specific eastern mission of Russia that influenced later the configuring of Eurasian ideology. At the same time the ideological constructions of the publicists at the end of the 19th century were rather peculiar. In contrast to the Eurasians those authors paid special attention to the “old civilized states in Asia”, like Persia and China. The necessity to support the Celestial Empire and the Christian communities in Persia was determined, according to those publicists, by Russia’s duty to protect the weak. Besides, China was viewed as the state with established autocracy concept that was very important for Russia. At the beginning of the 20th century the ideas of the “orientalists” and other publicists contemplating Russia’s special mission in Asia, lost their former influence. Their distant echo can be found in the program of the prominent White movement leader baron R.F. Ungern, who brought forward the idea of establishing a Pan-Asian monarchy relying on China during Civil War.


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