scholarly journals Perception Of The Spiritual Symbol In Armenian Medieval Philosophy And Theology

wisdom ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-145
Author(s):  
Haykazun Alvrtsyan

The article presents the perceptions and viewpoints of the Armenian medieval literary men concerning the spiritual symbol. Being anchored in the pan-Christian perception of the symbol, it laid the basis of the symbolic-allegorical thinking of the Armenian spiritual culture. In the history of the Armenian medieval literature and art studies, the analysis of symbols, in essence, the discovery of the epiphany in them, which is the fundamental meaning of the culture, have often been neglected. Today there is a necessity to analyse the spiritual culture in a new way to dig out its ideological – world outlook basis conditioned by the artistic and the festival and ritual functions of the different types of art. Such a research also enables us to comprehend the aesthetic, artistic and doctrinal - philosophical merits of the spiritual culture (literature, miniature, architecture, etc.) created throughout the centuries and still unknown to us in a new way, to review the system of criteria and ideological-methodological basis of the evaluation, which bears a great significance for the complete and precise perception and evaluation of the Armenian art and literature of the Middle Ages.

The Middle Ages added their own ludological culture traditions to those which they had inherited from the Ancient Ages. First of all, such notions were connected with the form of existence and perceiving the Christianity which was a basis for the whole civilization. Epistemological notions of those times were also built in accordance to those norms of world outlook. A cognitive act of an individual was understood as entrance of the subject to the world of general tragic game where he is risen up from sensual forms of being to being of over-sensual beauty, which is defined only through forms of mental cognition and through beauty to over-essential being of its Creator. Philosophical thought of the Middle Ages inherited the Platonic ludological tradition. According to these notions, personal creativity of an individual (artistic, scientific etc.) was understood as being identical with cognition and perceived only as reproduction, retrieval of what had already been programmed by the Creator, that is, as a game and through the game. The brightest page of the Middle Ages is connected with chivalry and its comprehension because the phenomenon of chivalry is the top of medieval culture, its ethical and esthetical ideal, which was over-thought by its self-consciousness as a form of game. Distribution of roles covered all main manifestations of individual’s life. Therefore even usual outside manifestation of any personal emotions by an individual in his public life (happiness, satisfaction, anger, despair, sadness and so on) was subject to this “role dictate”. So, a sphere of public emotions display by an individual was also predetermined by imperativeness of his own social role he was playing. We can speak about consciousness of those times perceiving a poetic text as a played game and author art as predominantly performing art. Then constancy of plots and anonymity of works, which is a feature of medieval literature, becomes more understandable; as every author perceived it as a script and tried to play his role as best as possible; his role was written down as a corresponding    text. Moreover, we should add that a similar game was predetermined also by some other peculiarities of medieval mentality. The reason is that medieval people tried to identify themselves with a certain sample which had already had a certain approbation, to achieve full self-expression and make this self-expression understandable for the society. A role was determined and a model of behavior was built according to the admitted interpretation of this sample and its allegoric meanings (most often, there were widely known Biblical images). These established forms of self-expression made processes of understanding and interpersonal dialogue easier.


This chapter studies the development and basic ideas of Western aesthetic thoughts by reviewing the aesthetic history of ancient Greece and the Middle Ages and by investigating the modern and contemporary aesthetics. It initially discusses the dominant classical Greek aesthetics, the medieval aesthetics, the 19th century aesthetics, and finally the modern aesthetics. The chapter finds that while the history of aesthetics is marked by countless schools of thoughts, only a few people of rare talent have made significant contribution to the entire human civilization through their aesthetic theories and ideas.


Author(s):  
John Marenbon

‘Why medieval philosophy?’ considers why anyone should be bothered to learn about medieval philosophy. Very few people—philosophers and non-philosophers alike—do know much about this period of philosophy, but since it is now clear that there was a great deal of excellent philosophy written in the Middle Ages, is there not as much reason to learn about it as to learn about excellent philosophy from any other period? Medieval philosophy shows that the history of philosophy cannot be understood apart from the history of religions, not just because this is true for the time it covers, but because it points to how philosophy and religion were intertwined before then, and for long afterwards.


Traditio ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 313-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Selmer

Among the medieval hagiographical writings derived from the British Isles none enjoyed greater popularity throughout the Middle Ages than the Navigatio Sancti Brendani Abbatis (= NB). This celebrated prose work, a typical product of the Othonian period, has come down to us in more than a hundred MSS in various versions. It embodies the adventurous sea-story of the Irish Abbot St. Brendan, one of the great sixth-century founders of monasteries. In structure, the NB consists actually of three parts: a brief introduction comments on St. Brendan's descent, youth, ascetic life, and early monastic foundations; the main body reports some twenty-six adventures which he and his fourteen companions encountered in their search for the terra repromissionis or paradisum terrestre, the tír tairgirne of the ancient Celts; finally, a terse epilogue narrates his life after his return and subsequent happy death. While the main body of the NB, the sea-voyage proper, is uncompounded and has been modeled after Old Irish sea-tales, known in Celtic literature as immrama, both the introduction and epilogue, necessary to give the story the appropriate frame, represent incidents culled from the Vita Sancti Brendani (= VB), which has come down to us in various Irish and Latin recensions. These two narratives have over the centuries been combined by several medieval compilers into a single story in a more or less artistic way. Consequently, the student of the NB is ultimately confronted with that much feared and confusing type of Brendaniana, called conflated texts, which in view of the absence of clearly drawn lines between the contents of the VB and NB, have for centuries offered vexing problems to researchers. One of the minor, but nevertheless irritating, results of these fusions is the misleading caption ‘Vita’ Sancti Brendani, exhibited by a goodly number of NB-MSS, which has misled many cataloguers, medieval and modern, to list the Navigatio as a Vita. Thus, not less than half of all NB-MSS sail in the maelstrom of medieval literature under a false flag. A most peculiar Latin NB-MS, showing the same misleading caption Vita Sancti BrendaniAbbatis, is codex 256 of the Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal. This MS, hitherto unavailable to research, is of signal importance for the history of the Vita, the Navigatio, and above all, for the Old French translations of the Navigatio with their re-translations into Latin, so unique in medieval literature.


2020 ◽  
pp. 24-57
Author(s):  
Kristen B. Neuschel

This chapter discusses the relationship between swords and oral culture in the early Middle Ages. It sketches the history of the manufacture of early medieval swords, then looks at evidence of those swords' symbolic lives revealed by archaeological finds, namely grave goods and the reconstruction of rituals that accompanied their deposit. The chapter then considers written evidence of swords, particularly in early wills that record both the bequeathing but also the prior circulation of a sword among allies and kin. Finally, it turns to literature, to Beowulf and its near-contemporary, The Battle of Maldon, to explore the roles those poems ascribe to warriors' (and monsters') swords. Early medieval literature is filled with references to the aesthetic qualities and the mysterious origin of swords and their constituent parts, as well as to their power to strike fear, to wound, and to kill.


PMLA ◽  
1915 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-194
Author(s):  
Ronald S. Crane

Among the questions which still await investigation in the literary history of sixteenth and seventeenth century England, not the least important is that of the survival of the vernacular writings of the Middle Ages. No one can have studied the records of publishing activities during the Tudor and Stuart periods without becoming aware that a considerable number of the romances, tales, poems, chronicles, lives of saints of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries still continued to circulate, and to find, though probably in ever smaller numbers, appreciative readers. Nor can anyone who has noted this persistence of medieval literature beyond the Middle Ages fail to draw from it inferences not a little damaging to our current conceptions of sixteenth and seventeenth century taste. As yet, however, no historian of literature has dealt with the problem in a systematic or detailed way—no one has tried to set clearly before us precisely which works, out of the total body of medieval writings, remained in vogue, how long the popularity of each of them lasted, how far they were modified in form or content to suit the taste of successive generations, by what sort of “public” they were read, and of what nature was the influence which they exercised upon the newer writers. Some day perhaps we shall have such a history of the survival of medieval literature in early modern England. In the meantime, as a preliminary treatment of a single phase of the subject, the present study of Guy of Warwick may not be without its interest. It proposes to trace from the days of the early printers to the close of the eighteenth century the fortunes of but one—though perhaps the most typical one—of the many romances whose popularity survived the Middle Ages.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Gregorio PIAIA

What contribution has Umberto Eco’s historical fiction made to knowledge of the history of medieval philosophy? His first and most famous novel, The Name of the Rose (1980), had the merit of drawing the attention of the common reader to mediaeval thought, which is usually neglected and still not widely known. However, this portrayal was characterized by a negative and deforming image of medieval monasticism and its philosophical conceptions. By contrast the scholastic Middle Ages (Roger Bacon, Marsilius of Padua, and especially William of Ockham) were looked upon by Eco with very modern —even “postmodern”— eyes, so that very little was left of the Middle Ages themselves.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Gregorovius ◽  
Annie Hamilton

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Gregorovius ◽  
Annie Hamilton

Author(s):  
Jack Tannous

In the second half of the first millennium CE, the Christian Middle East fractured irreparably into competing churches and Arabs conquered the region, setting in motion a process that would lead to its eventual conversion to Islam. This book argues that key to understanding these dramatic religious transformations are ordinary religious believers, often called “the simple” in late antique and medieval sources. Largely agrarian and illiterate, these Christians outnumbered Muslims well into the era of the Crusades, and yet they have typically been invisible in our understanding of the Middle East's history. What did it mean for Christian communities to break apart over theological disagreements that most people could not understand? How does our view of the rise of Islam change if we take seriously the fact that Muslims remained a demographic minority for much of the Middle Ages? In addressing these and other questions, the book provides a sweeping reinterpretation of the religious history of the medieval Middle East. The book draws on a wealth of Greek, Syriac, and Arabic sources to recast these conquered lands as largely Christian ones whose growing Muslim populations are properly understood as converting away from and in competition with the non-Muslim communities around them.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document