scholarly journals Sobre o resgate promovido por Habermas do projeto Kantiano de Aufklärung / On the rescue promoted by Habermas of the Kantiano de Aufklärung project

Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 192
Author(s):  
João Elter Borges Miranda ◽  
Wiliam Carlos Cipriani Barom

Jürgen Habermas (1929-) é um filósofo alemão e um dos mais influentes sociólogos do pós-guerra. Conhecido por suas teorias sobre o agir comunicativo e a esfera pública, é reconhecido internacionalmente como o principal representante da chamada “segunda geração” da Escola de Frankfurt. Também é considerado um dos mais importantes intelectuais contemporâneos. No presente trabalho, objetivamos refletir sobre o resgate promovido por este filósofo do projeto kantiano de esclarecimento (Aufklärung); movimento realizado em contraposição a tradição nietzschiana herdada por Adorno e Horkheimer, os quais entendem que, frente as aporias do mundo contemporâneo, esse projeto de emancipação nos termos apontados por Kant estaria dissipado.AbstractJürgen Habermas (1929-) is a German philosopher and one of the most influential postwar sociologists. Known for his theories on communicative action and the public sphere, he is internationally recognized as the main representative of the so-called "second generation" of the Frankfurt School. He is also considered one of the most important contemporary intellectuals. In the present work, we aim to reflect on the rescue promoted by this philosopher of the Kantian project of enlightenment (Aufklärung); movement against the Nietzschean tradition inherited by Adorno and Horkheimer, who understand that, in the face of the aporias of the contemporary world, this project of emancipation in the terms pointed out by Kant would be dissipated.

October ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 159 ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
Hal Foster

In the face of Trumpism and its peculiar mix of the buffoonish and the lethal, Foster suggests that we “pump up” past theoretical concepts by raising them to a higher degree. Social media, for example, could thereby be considered the “fifth estate,” a force that outdoes the “fourth estate” of journalistic media and thereby evacuates the last residues of the public sphere that, over fifty years ago, Jürgen Habermas associated with the advent of print culture. Peter Sloterdijk's notion of cynical reason, too, must be raised to a higher power in order to comprehend the Trumpist mentality; perhaps in this post-truth era, we should speak instead of “noncynical unreason”? And while the concept of the “primal father” is so outrageous that it cannot be inflated, Foster argues, it is one that we must grapple with in the face of a figure who, like Freud's figure, embodies the law and simultaneously performs its transgression.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Müller-Doohm

The label ‘Frankfurt School’ became popular in the ‘positivism dispute’ in the mid-1960s, but this article shows that it is wrong to describe Jürgen Habermas as representing a ‘second generation’ of exponents of critical theory. His communication theory of society is intended not as a transformation of, but as an alternative to, the older tradition of thought represented by Adorno and Horkheimer. The novel and innovative character of Habermas’s approach is demonstrated in relation to three thematic complexes: (1) the public sphere and language; (2) democracy and the constitutional state; and (3) system and lifeworld as categories for a theory of modernity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (115) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
José N. Heck

A moderna concepção de indivíduo justifica-se na esfera pública. O termo publicidade remonta ao modo privado de pensar, no século XVIII, por parte de pessoas que tinham o costume, à maneira iluminista, de ler livros, eram rotineiramente informadas por jornais, criavam associações de leitura e freqüentavam espaços comuns de lazer em cafés, salões e parques, onde à época eram discutidas novas idéias advindas de longe, oriundas dos grandes centros urbanos com universidades centenárias. Esta congruência entre uso privado e público da razão, Kant a contrapõe a um uso específico de razão, privativo a pessoas que exercem funções e cumprem ordens em obediência a comandos superiores, como é o caso dos funcionários públicos; ou seja, na contramão do emprego hoje usual da palavra, o filósofo alemão predica à denominação uso privado aquele que o sábio pode fazer de sua razão em um certo cargo público ou função a ele confiada. Kant estabelece, ao longo de sua obra, o princípio da publicidade como a âncora legitimadora de sua filosofia moral, política e jurídica.Abstract: The modern concept of the individual is justified in the public sphere. The term publicity first appeared in the 18th century to describe the private manner of thinking of those who, following the general enlightenment custom, were used to reading books. These people were kept regularly informed by journals; created reading associations and frequented shared leisure areas in cafés, salons and parks where new ideas coming from afar, originated in the great urban centers with century-old universities, were discussed. Kant opposes this congruency between the public and private uses of reason to a specific use of reason, particular to those who fulfill functions and obey superior orders, as is the case of civil servants. Contrary to the normal usage of the word today, the German philosopher recognizes in the term private use that which the scholar can do with reason in a certain public office or function confided to him. Throughout his work, Kant establishes the principle of publicity as a legitimate anchor for his moral, political and juridical philosophy.


EDUTECH ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Yusar

Abstract. This article was endeavor to describe the  awareness multicultural education in the Chinese Lampion Festival in Kota Bandung since 2011 to 2013. The research was held with the longitudinal, qualitative, and adopt to the action research methods. The evidence was describe that the public sphere was success to build the communicative action between the native ethnics and the Chinese. By the public sphere, each ethnics perceived their cultural differences and appreciate as an equality.  By this public sphere, the multiculturalism awareness was formed succesfully and reduce the ethnical stereotype between the native ethnics and the Chinese.  This article conclude that the awareness multicultural education may be doing by creating the public spheres. Keywords:   public sphere, education, multiculturalism Abstrak. Artikel ini menggambarkan pendidikan kesadaran multikulturalisme  melalui perayaan Cap Go Meh.  Etnis-etnis tempatan yang mengklaim sebagai pribumi memiliki stereotipe etnis yang kuat terhadap etnis Tionghoa. Penelitian telah dilakukan dengan paradigma kualitatif yang bersifat longitudinal mengadopsi pada metode action research. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ruang publik yang dibangun antara etnis tempatan dengan etnis Tionghoa memunculkan tindakan komunikatif antar etnis.  Melalui penciptaan ruang publik tersebut, kesadaran akan keberagaman muncul dari masing-masing etnis dan memadang bahwa budaya masing-masing berdiri setara dan muncul penghargaan atas masing-masing kebudayaan. Pemahaman multikulturalisme terbangun karena ruang publik yang diciptakan. Bagian penutup dijelaskan bahwa pendidikan kesadaran multikultur dapat ditempuh melalui penciptaan ruang-ruang publik. Kata kunci:  ruang  publik, pendidikan, multikulturalisme


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-188
Author(s):  
Sung Min Kim ◽  
J.B. Banawiratma ◽  
Dicky Sofjan

This paper examines religious pluralism discourse in post-Reformasi Indonesia. Though there is general consensus about the importance of maintaining inter-religious harmony, there are still various perspectives and arguments on the idealization of dealing with religious diversity in society. The differences are found not only between the advocates and opponents of religious pluralism but also among proponent groups of religious pluralism. This paper looks at how religious organizations for inter-religious harmony struggle for legitimating their religious pluralism ideals in society. In this context, this paper, by using Habermas’ theory of communicative action, focuses on the characteristics of their efforts to communicate with others in the public sphere. It examines inter-faith dialogue done by NGOs’ activities and arguments, focusing on their validity claims for justifying religious pluralism. This paper argues that some conceptions and presuppositions of this theory need to be critically assessed and modified in analyzing these NGOs’ discourse so that it can be appropriately applied to the Indonesian context in which religion has substantial power to influence people’s thoughts and behaviors. Particularly it will point out 1) the problem of universalized rationality, 2) power relation and strategic action, and 3) the role of religious reason in public discourse. [Artikel ini mengkaji diskursus pluralisme agama di era pasca-Reformasi Indonesia. Meski ada kesepakatan akan pentingnya membangun harmoni lintas agama, tapi pada tataran praktiknya masih ada pelbagai perspektif dan argumentasi dalam menyikapi keanekaragaman agama dalam masyarakat. Perbedaan ini tidak hanya ditemukan di kalangan mereka yang kontra, tapi juga di kalangan mereka yang pro pluralisme agama. Artikel ini bermaksud meneliti bagaimana organisasi agama yang memperjuangkan harmoni lintas agama berjuang memancang ide-ide ideal mereka terkait pluralisme agama di masyarakat. Dalam konteks ini, penelitian ini mengacu pada teori communicative action-nya Habermas dan fokus memantau karakteristik organisasi-organisasi tersebut dalam berinteraksi satu sama lain di ruang publik. Artikel ini bermaksud menguji sejauh mana dialog antar-agama dilakukan oleh organisasi-organisasi ini, terutama validitas klaim mereka dalam menjustifikasi pluralisme agama. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa konsepsi dan asumsi dari teori-teori tersebut perlu ditinjau ulang secara kritis untuk bisa diterapkan dalam konteks Indonesia, di mana agama masih memiliki kekuatan potensial untuk mempengaruhi pemikiran dan perilaku masyarakat. Secara khusus artikel ini akan membahas 1) problem rasionalitas universal, 2) relasi kuasa dan aksi strategis, serta 3) peran logika agama di ruang (diskursus) publik.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
Arina Rohmatul Hidayah

This article discusses persecution acts associated with the filter bubble effect, the condition of digital society, the concept of the public sphere and the rational action theory of Jurgen Habermas. The results, obtained through the literature research method, show that acts of persecution in social media can be caused by the personalization of the web. Social media allows the occurrence of large bubbles (filter bubbles) that make users reject ideologies or other truths. This becomes a revolution of mindset due to the freedom of information. Meanwhile, in the Habermas public sphere concept, which emphasizes the existence of a critical and rational discussion, this phenomenon indicates a shift. The shift that occurs brings about the lifeworld realm as the basis for the formation of the public sphere with its communicative action, again dominated by the system realm that is dominated by capitalist forces through strategic action. Thus, Habermas's initial goal of strengthening civil society's position against the dominance of the system is now changing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Christian Rossipal

Reduced to temporary guests, victims, threats, or enemies, those who are forced to seek refuge have to navigate a political minefield. To seek recognition in the public sphere is an especially treacherous endeavor under these conditions. Faced with a range of imposed identities–including the refugee label itself–the quest for “more visibility” through documentary images is fraught with contradictions for the displaced. This article considers the ways in which filmmakers and artists with experience of displacement work with documentary methods and forms in the face of these extreme difficulties. As they challenge and seek alternatives to conventional forms of documentary, a range of new expressions and tendencies can be discerned in the wake of “The European Refugee Crisis,” from so-called participatory documentary to essayistic and more experimental approaches. The article discusses, among other films, Purple Sea (2020), Midnight Traveler (2019), and My New European Life (2019).


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-512
Author(s):  
Thomas Wabel

In public debates on moral or political issues between participants from different religious backgrounds, liberal and secular thinkers like John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas recommend to restrict oneself to free-standing reasons that are independent of their religious, social or cultural origin. Following German philosopher Matthias Jung, however, I argue that such reasons fall short of describing the relevance of the issue in question for the adherents of a specific religion or worldview. Referring to the debates in several European countries about the hijab, I am showing how a deeper understanding of reasons as embodied in social practices and as embodied in individual biographies can help to disentangle such debates and to facilitate a dialogue on these issues.


Author(s):  
Robert A. Cropf

The virtual public sphere does not exist and operate the same everywhere. Every virtual public sphere is different because each country’s economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations are varied. As a result, the impact of information communication technology (ICT) on political and social conditions will also differ from one country to another. According to the German philosopher, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere is a domain existing outside of the private sphere of family relations, the economic sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere dominated by the state. The public sphere contributes to democracy by serving as a forum for deliberation about politics and civic affairs. According to Habermas, the public sphere is marked by liberal core beliefs such as the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights, which are needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state” (Cohen & Arato, 1992, p. 211). Thus, the public sphere is defined as a domain of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe and went into decline in the 19th century. As an ideal type, the public sphere represents an arena, absent class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical, reasoned discourse regarding politics and culture. The remainder of this article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the background of virtual public spheres is discussed by presenting a broad overview of the major literature relating to ICT and democracy as well as distinguishing between virtual and public spheres and e-government. The second section deals with some significant current trends and developments in virtual public spheres. Finally, the third section discusses some future implications for off-line civil society of virtual public spheres.


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