Embodied Reasons in the Public Sphere: The Example of the Hijab

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-512
Author(s):  
Thomas Wabel

In public debates on moral or political issues between participants from different religious backgrounds, liberal and secular thinkers like John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas recommend to restrict oneself to free-standing reasons that are independent of their religious, social or cultural origin. Following German philosopher Matthias Jung, however, I argue that such reasons fall short of describing the relevance of the issue in question for the adherents of a specific religion or worldview. Referring to the debates in several European countries about the hijab, I am showing how a deeper understanding of reasons as embodied in social practices and as embodied in individual biographies can help to disentangle such debates and to facilitate a dialogue on these issues.

2009 ◽  
pp. 126-139
Author(s):  
Marco Cremaschi

- The research on public space is characterized by four different concepts: first, the equivalence between public space and public sphere, directly impinging upon politics; second, the history and construction of social identities, where memory plays a central role; third, the encounter with strangers that should educate to tolerance; fourth, the practice of living together, at the foundation both of urbanity and civil respect. The first three concepts state that public space is eroded, due to the privatization of the public sphere. The last one criticizes this belief, and suggests instead investigating the field of practices that combine resistance to urban change, and the experimentation of new forms of urbanity.Key words: public space, urbanity, planning, social practices, cities, inclusion.Parole chiave: housing, planning, abitare, pratiche sociali, istituzionalizzazione, cornici cognitive.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-498
Author(s):  
Maureen Junker-Kenny

Concepts of ‘public reason’ vary according to the underlying understandings of theoretical and practical reason; they make a difference to what can be argued for in the public sphere as justified expectations to oneself and fellow-citizens. What is the significance for the scope of ethics when two neo-Kantian theorists of public reason, John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas, propose a reduced reading of the ‘antinomy’ highlighted in Kant’s analysis of practical reason? The desire for meaning, unrelinquishable for humans, is frustrated when moral initiatives are met with hostility. Kant resolves the antinomy between morality and happiness by invoking the concept of a creator God whose concern that our anticipatory moral actions should not fail encourages the hope on which human agency relies. Defining the scope of ethics by the unconditional character of reason ( Vernunft) rules out the minimisation of ethics to what can safely be expected to be delivered.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-796 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eamon Darcy

AbstractA consideration of political participation in early Stuart Ireland suggests modifications to the prospectus outlined by Peter Lake and Steven Pincus in “Rethinking the Public Sphere in Early Modern England.” By investigating the structures that facilitated public debates about politics in Ireland, as well as the factors that complicated it, this article challenges the periodization of the public sphere offered by Lake and Pincus and suggests that there is a clear need to integrate a transnational perspective. Unlike England, Scotland, and Wales, the majority of Ireland's population was Catholic. The flow of post-Tridentine Catholic ideas from the Continent and Anglo-Britannic political culture meant that competing ideas of what constituted the common good circulated widely in Ireland and led to debates about the nature of authority in the early modern Irish state. These divisions in Irish society created a distinctive kind of politics that created particularly unstable publics. Thus, Ireland's experience of the early modern public sphere differed considerably from concurrent developments in the wider archipelago.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (115) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
José N. Heck

A moderna concepção de indivíduo justifica-se na esfera pública. O termo publicidade remonta ao modo privado de pensar, no século XVIII, por parte de pessoas que tinham o costume, à maneira iluminista, de ler livros, eram rotineiramente informadas por jornais, criavam associações de leitura e freqüentavam espaços comuns de lazer em cafés, salões e parques, onde à época eram discutidas novas idéias advindas de longe, oriundas dos grandes centros urbanos com universidades centenárias. Esta congruência entre uso privado e público da razão, Kant a contrapõe a um uso específico de razão, privativo a pessoas que exercem funções e cumprem ordens em obediência a comandos superiores, como é o caso dos funcionários públicos; ou seja, na contramão do emprego hoje usual da palavra, o filósofo alemão predica à denominação uso privado aquele que o sábio pode fazer de sua razão em um certo cargo público ou função a ele confiada. Kant estabelece, ao longo de sua obra, o princípio da publicidade como a âncora legitimadora de sua filosofia moral, política e jurídica.Abstract: The modern concept of the individual is justified in the public sphere. The term publicity first appeared in the 18th century to describe the private manner of thinking of those who, following the general enlightenment custom, were used to reading books. These people were kept regularly informed by journals; created reading associations and frequented shared leisure areas in cafés, salons and parks where new ideas coming from afar, originated in the great urban centers with century-old universities, were discussed. Kant opposes this congruency between the public and private uses of reason to a specific use of reason, particular to those who fulfill functions and obey superior orders, as is the case of civil servants. Contrary to the normal usage of the word today, the German philosopher recognizes in the term private use that which the scholar can do with reason in a certain public office or function confided to him. Throughout his work, Kant establishes the principle of publicity as a legitimate anchor for his moral, political and juridical philosophy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cora Alexa Døving

Do religious debaters challenge the secular public sphere? This article is an analysis of the largest religion related debate in Norway: the debate about the hijab and the use of religious symbols in the public sphere. The article is empirically founded on the debates in 2009 that began with the question about to which degree the hijab could become part of the Norwegian police uniform for those who would wish to use it. The analysis is mainly centred on the arguments of the hijab wearers: to what degree is their religious motivation translated into a secular language? The empirical examination will show that Muslim debaters arguments can be characterized by a striking absence of references to religious concepts, and a just as striking use of secular ones. The article suggests that the lack of religious argumentation is an expression of an Islamic secularism rather than a result of a translation process. The hijab wearer's arguments are presented in the light of John Rawls’ and Jürgen Habermas’ thoughts about the need for translation—and its price.


Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 192
Author(s):  
João Elter Borges Miranda ◽  
Wiliam Carlos Cipriani Barom

Jürgen Habermas (1929-) é um filósofo alemão e um dos mais influentes sociólogos do pós-guerra. Conhecido por suas teorias sobre o agir comunicativo e a esfera pública, é reconhecido internacionalmente como o principal representante da chamada “segunda geração” da Escola de Frankfurt. Também é considerado um dos mais importantes intelectuais contemporâneos. No presente trabalho, objetivamos refletir sobre o resgate promovido por este filósofo do projeto kantiano de esclarecimento (Aufklärung); movimento realizado em contraposição a tradição nietzschiana herdada por Adorno e Horkheimer, os quais entendem que, frente as aporias do mundo contemporâneo, esse projeto de emancipação nos termos apontados por Kant estaria dissipado.AbstractJürgen Habermas (1929-) is a German philosopher and one of the most influential postwar sociologists. Known for his theories on communicative action and the public sphere, he is internationally recognized as the main representative of the so-called "second generation" of the Frankfurt School. He is also considered one of the most important contemporary intellectuals. In the present work, we aim to reflect on the rescue promoted by this philosopher of the Kantian project of enlightenment (Aufklärung); movement against the Nietzschean tradition inherited by Adorno and Horkheimer, who understand that, in the face of the aporias of the contemporary world, this project of emancipation in the terms pointed out by Kant would be dissipated.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 535-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Johnson ◽  
Elaine Howard Ecklund ◽  
Di Di ◽  
Kirstin R.W. Matthews

Drawing on 48 in-depth interviews conducted with biologists and physicists at universities in the United Kingdom, this study examines scientists’ perceptions of the role celebrity scientists play in socially contentious public debates. We examine Richard Dawkins’ involvement in public debates related to the relationship between science and religion as a case to analyze scientists’ perceptions of the role celebrity scientists play in the public sphere and the implications of celebrity science for the practice of science communication. Findings show that Dawkins’ proponents view the celebrity scientist as a provocateur who asserts the cultural authority of science in the public sphere. Critics, who include both religious and nonreligious scientists, argue that Dawkins misrepresents science and scientists and reject his approach to public engagement. Scientists emphasize promotion of science over the scientist, diplomacy over derision, and dialogue over ideological extremism.


Author(s):  
Robert A. Cropf

The virtual public sphere does not exist and operate the same everywhere. Every virtual public sphere is different because each country’s economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations are varied. As a result, the impact of information communication technology (ICT) on political and social conditions will also differ from one country to another. According to the German philosopher, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere is a domain existing outside of the private sphere of family relations, the economic sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere dominated by the state. The public sphere contributes to democracy by serving as a forum for deliberation about politics and civic affairs. According to Habermas, the public sphere is marked by liberal core beliefs such as the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights, which are needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state” (Cohen & Arato, 1992, p. 211). Thus, the public sphere is defined as a domain of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe and went into decline in the 19th century. As an ideal type, the public sphere represents an arena, absent class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical, reasoned discourse regarding politics and culture. The remainder of this article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the background of virtual public spheres is discussed by presenting a broad overview of the major literature relating to ICT and democracy as well as distinguishing between virtual and public spheres and e-government. The second section deals with some significant current trends and developments in virtual public spheres. Finally, the third section discusses some future implications for off-line civil society of virtual public spheres.


Author(s):  
Floriane Gaber

There are countries in the world where ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’ don’t have the same meaning as in our western European countries, especially in the street or in what is called ‘public space’. Even so, in some of these countries, street art festivals exist and they can change the life of the artists and of the population. Jürgen Habermas, in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1962), has defined this term. According to him, the bourgeois public sphere (which appeared in the 18th century) is the place between private individuals and government authorities in which people can meet and have critical debates about public matters. Whether debates are about culture, habits or law, in the countries discussed in this chapter (Iran, Belarus, Morocco and Kuwait), this barely happens. Critical debate is forbidden or simply inconceivable.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zornitsa Keremidchieva

Focusing on the historical controversies surrounding the development of the print records of the U.S. congressional debates, this essay explores how human, technological, and discursive agencies come together to constitute institutional argumentative practice. Examining the U.S. Congressional Record through the lens of Bruno Latour’s concept of dingpolitik reveals that as a technology of representation print records work less as mediators and more as agents of institutional contextualization. Print records do more than translate arguments from oral to written form or transfer arguments from the public sphere to the state. Rather, they assemble the disparate elements that constitute the terrains of governance, the character of political issues, and the norms of congressional deliberation. Hence, the material dynamics of congressional deliberation prompt not only a reconsideration of what and who is being represented by Congress, but also a methodological reorientation from normative to constitutive perspectives on institutional argumentation.


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