Authoritarianism, Economic Liberalism, and Political Preference

1972 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur E. Nudelman

Investigation of the political behavior of 293 Wisconsin adults in a gubernatorial election suggests that, while authoritarianism has some effect on political behavior, this is small and attenuated by more important economic considerations. Political man is, in large part, economic man.

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-331
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard

John Owen Havard, “‘What Freedom?’: Frankenstein, Anti-Occidentalism, and English Liberty” (pp. 305–331) “If he were vanquished,” Victor Frankenstein states of his monstrous creation in Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818), “I should be a free man.” But he goes on: “Alas! what freedom? such as the peasant enjoys when his family have been massacred before his eyes, his cottage burnt, his lands laid waste, and he is turned adrift, homeless, pennyless, and alone, but free.” Victor’s circumstances approximate the deracinated subject of an emergent economic liberalism, while looking to other destitute and shipwrecked heroes. Yet the ironic “freedom” described here carries an added charge, which Victor underscores when he concludes this account of his ravaged condition: “Such would be my liberty.” This essay revisits the geographic plotting of Frankenstein: the digression to the East in the nested “harem” episode, the voyage to England, the neglected episode of Victor’s imprisonment in Ireland, and the creature’s desire to live in South America. Locating Victor’s concluding appeal to his “free” condition within the novel’s expansive geography amplifies the political stakes of his downfall, calling attention to not only his own suffering but the wider trail of destruction left in his wake. Where existing critical accounts have emphasized the French Revolution and its violent aftermath, this obscures the novel’s pointed critique of a deep and tangled history of English liberty and its destructive legacies. Reexamining the novel’s geography in tandem with its use of form similarly allows us to rethink the overarching narrative design of Frankenstein, in ways that disrupt, if not more radically dislocate, existing rigid ways of thinking about the novel.


2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (02) ◽  
pp. 109-116
Author(s):  
Tai Wei LIM

A 2011 earthquake damaged the Fukushima nuclear reactor and provided a galvanising point for anti-nuclear resistance groups in Japan. Their public cause slowly faded from the political arena after the Democratic Party of Japan fell out of power and anti-nuclear politicians lost the 2014 Tokyo gubernatorial election. The current Liberal Democratic Party Prime Minister Abe holds a pro-nuclear position and urges the reactivation of Japan's nuclear reactors after all safeguards have been satisfied.


1995 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 384-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELISABETH GIDENGIL

Do differences in basic values and concerns underlie differences in the issue positions of women and men? This article uses a decomposition approach to assess the contribution of male-female differences in basic values and concerns to the gender gap in support for the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement in the 1988 Canadian federal election. Drawing on the work of Gilligan and other “difference” theorists, I theorize these differences in terms of “social woman” and “economic man.” The results support this interpretation. Men were more likely to bring economic considerations to bear in evaluating the agreement, whereas women's opinions were more likely to be influenced by their commitment to the welfare state and their greater concern for social programs. Women also proved to be more egalitarian and less persuaded of the virtues of competition and market solutions than were men.


2021 ◽  

Politics in the United States has become increasingly polarized in recent decades. Both political elites and everyday citizens are divided into rival and mutually antagonistic partisan camps, with each camp questioning the political legitimacy and democratic commitments of the other side. Does this polarization pose threats to democracy itself? What can make some democratic institutions resilient in the face of such challenges? Democratic Resilience brings together a distinguished group of specialists to examine how polarization affects the performance of institutional checks and balances as well as the political behavior of voters, civil society actors, and political elites. The volume bridges the conventional divide between institutional and behavioral approaches to the study of American politics and incorporates historical and comparative insights to explain the nature of contemporary challenges to democracy. It also breaks new ground to identify the institutional and societal sources of democratic resilience.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 731-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekrem Karakoç ◽  
Talha Köse ◽  
Mesut Özcan

This study investigates the impact of emigration on the political behavior of citizens in Egypt. In particular, it argues that emigrants’ family members are more likely to vote for Salafi parties for several reasons, including the transfer of religious remittances by Egyptian emigrants to the Gulf and the influence of transnational Salafi networks. In order to test our argument, we conducted an original public opinion survey with around 1100 individuals between January 12, 2012 and January 25, 2012, just after the Egyptian parliamentary election. We find that individuals with family members who had emigrated to the Gulf voted heavily for Islamist parties, particularly the Freedom and Justice Party and the Nour Party. Further analysis shows that there is no statistical difference between individuals with and without emigrant family members in voting for the Muslim Brotherhood, while the Nour’s popularity among voters with emigrant family members is substantial and statistically significant. In particular, we find that the strongest support for the Nour came from individuals whose family members had immigrated to Saudi Arabia, whereas those whose family members had immigrated to other countries, including other Gulf countries, do not differ significantly from non-emigrant family members in their party preferences.


لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
عطا الله سليمان الحديثي ◽  
إسراء كاظم الحسيني

Abstract: The economic elements are of great importance to the componential structure of the Malaysian society. Moreover, the economic structure represents one of the major elements of a state might. The economic potentials of a state include whatever resources it has or whatever it can get to achieve its strategies or the self-sufficiency of its people in wartime. In peacetime, on the other hand, the state should depend on a strong economic base that helps achieve a completion to its parts and a basic element of its internal political integrity. Accordingly, the various types of the economic resources with respect to the production, exchange, and consumption represent one of the influential factors that affect the political behavior of a state- the way of its thinking, saying, decision-making, and actions. Much of the political behavior of a state comes from its economic background within its territory. However, the factor that plays a significant role in determining the actual might of a state is the number of population a state has and its ability in investing its resources. From this vantage, Malaysia represents one of the economically rich countries owing to its various natural resources. Furthermore, both trade and transport help a great deal in redistributing the economic resources of Malaysia. For the latter importance, the present work is to showcase in detail the role the economic factors play in achieving the stability and integrity of Malaysia and its people. Besides, it sheds light on the impact of ethnic diversity and the strategic position in the world on the overall stability of the state.                          


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Budi Rizka ◽  
Lismalinda ◽  
Adnan ◽  
Moriyanti ◽  
Faisal

Purpose of the study: The study aims are to investigate levels of language politeness and its violations in the political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo and to describe the types of politeness and its violations in political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo as Indonesian president candidates in 2019. Methodology: This research was used a qualitative approach with the descriptive method by paying attention to the Interactive Model theory to describe the object in analysis data through a pragmatic approach to identify the politeness principles and its violation following Leech’s (1983) theory. The subject of data on this research has conducted the utterances of Indonesian president candidates 2019 in the second debate session. Main Findings: The result of the study can be concluded that five principles of politeness seen in the utterances of the presidential candidate. They are tact, approbation, modesty, agreement, and sympathy maxim. Furthermore, in this research, Prabowo was more polite than Jokowi where he has produced utterances of approbation, agreement, and less violation of modesty, while Jokowi more violated the modesty maxim. Applications of this study: The study has an impact on political behavior. Other areas of study include social and political science and communication Novelty/Originality of this study: This research is the new way in the context of language politeness study where combined the language politeness principles with socio-political science especially political communication.


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