Urban Density and Altruism: Helping Strangers in a Canadian City, Suburb, and Small Town

1978 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 987-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Philippe Rushton

Helping behavior was studied as a function of urban density. Four requests for help (for the time, for directions, for change of a quarter, and for the person's name) were solicited in three areas differing in population density (downtown in the Canadian city of Toronto, in the suburbs of the same city, in a small town outside of that city). On each measure the percentage of helping behavior decreased linearly as urban density increased. Normative data from New York City were also compared and found very similar to those from downtown Toronto. An absence of sex differences in either giving or eliciting help was noted.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
pp. 1319-1322
Author(s):  
Eyal Klang ◽  
Shelly Soffer ◽  
Girish Nadkarni ◽  
Ben Glicksberg ◽  
Robert Freeman ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 2150008
Author(s):  
Bita Alizadehtazi ◽  
Korin Tangtrakul ◽  
Sloane Woerdeman ◽  
Anna Gussenhoven ◽  
Nariman Mostafavi ◽  
...  

Urban parks and green spaces provide a wide range of ecosystem services, including social interaction and stress reduction. When COVID-19 closed schools and businesses and restricted social gatherings, parks became one of the few places that urban residents were permitted to visit outside their homes. With a focus on Philadelphia, PA and New York City, NY, this paper presents a snapshot of the park usage during the early phases of the pandemic. Forty-three Civic Scientists were employed by the research team to observe usage in 22 different parks selected to represent low and high social vulnerability, and low, medium, and high population density. Despite speculation that parks could contribute to the spread of COVID-19, no strong correlation was found between the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in adjacent zip codes and the number of park users. High social vulnerability neighborhoods were associated with a significantly higher number of COVID-19 cases ([Formula: see text]). In addition, no significant difference in the number of park users was detected between parks in high and low vulnerability neighborhoods. The number of park users did significantly increase with population density in both cities ([Formula: see text]), though usage varied greatly by park. Males were more frequently observed than females in parks in both high vulnerability and high-density neighborhoods. Although high vulnerability neighborhoods reported higher COVID-19 cases, residents of Philadelphia and New York City appear to have been undeterred from visiting parks during this phase of the pandemic. This snapshot study provides no evidence to support closing parks during the pandemic. To the contrary, people continued to visit parks throughout the study, underscoring their evident value as respite for urban residents during the early phases of the pandemic.


1983 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 301-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elin S. Weinstein

The relationship between sex differences and early visual-motor test performance was studied. Kindergarten children (30 girls and 30 boys) in a New York City public school were administered the Bender Visual-motor Gestalt Test. When scored by the Koppitz Developmental Scoring System, no significant differences were found. A more detailed qualitative analysis of the nature of the specific errors was also done. Using this approach, boys showed more difficulty with accurate copying of individual features of designs, e.g., angles of a diamond.


Author(s):  
Awi Federgruen ◽  
Sherin Naha

AbstractThe number of confirmed COVID-19 cases, relative to population size, has varied greatly throughout the United States and even within the same city. In different zip codes in New York City, the epicentre of the epidemic, the number of cases per 100,000 residents has ranged from 437 to 4227, a 1:10 ratio. To guide policy decisions regarding containment and reopening of the economy, schools and other institutions, it is vital to identify the factors that drive this large variation.This paper reports on a statistical study of incidence variation by zip code across New York City. Among many socio-economic and demographic measures considered, the average household size emerges as the single most important explanatory variable: an increase in average household size by one member increases the zip code incidence rate, in our final model specification, by at least 876 cases, 23% of the range of incidence rates, at a 95% confidence level.The percentage of the population above the age of 65, the percentage below the poverty line, and their interaction term are also strongly positively associated with zip code incidence rates, In terms of ethnic/racial characteristics, the percentages of African Americans, Hispanics and Asians within the population, are significantly associated, but the magnitude of the impact is considerably smaller. (The proportion of Asians within a zip code has a negative association.)These significant associations may be explained by comorbidities, known to be more (less) prevalent among the black and Hispanic (Asian) population segments. In turn, the increased prevalence of these comorbidities among the black and Hispanic population, is, in large part, the result of poorer dietary habits and more limited access to healthcare, themselves driven by lower incomesContrary to popular belief, population density, per se, does not have a significantly positive impact. Indeed, population density and zip code incidence rate are negatively correlated, with a -33% correlation coefficient.Our model specification is based on a well-established epidemiologic model that explains the effects of household sizes on R0, the basic reproductive number of an epidemic.Our findings support implemented and proposed policies to quarantine pre-acute and post-acute patients, as well as nursing home admission policies


2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon M. Farley ◽  
Andrew R. Maroko ◽  
Shakira F. Suglia ◽  
Lorna E. Thorpe

Objectives: Researchers have identified associations between neighborhood-level factors (eg, income level, tobacco retailer density) and smoking behavior, but few studies have assessed these factors in urban environments. We explored the effect of tobacco retailer density, neighborhood poverty, and housing type (multiunit and public) on smoking in a large urban environment (New York City). Methods: We used data on smoking prevalence and individual sociodemographic characteristics from the 2011-2013 New York City Community Health Survey, data on tobacco retailers from the 2012 New York City Department of Consumer Affairs, data on neighborhood sociodemographic characteristics and population density from the 2009-2013 American Community Survey, and data on multiunit and public housing from the 2012 New York City Primary Land Use Tax Lot Output data set. We used aggregate neighborhood-level variables and ordinary least squares regression, geographic weighted regression, and multilevel models to assess the effects of tobacco retailer density and neighborhood poverty on smoking prevalence, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics (age, sex, race/ethnicity, and education) and neighborhood population density. We also assessed interactions between tobacco retailer density and poverty and each housing type on smoking. Results: Neighborhood poverty positively and significantly modified the association between tobacco retailer density and prevalence of neighborhood smoking ( β = 0.003, P = .01) when we controlled for population density, sociodemographic characteristics, and types of housing. Neighborhood poverty was positively associated with the prevalence of individual smoking ( β = 0.0099, P < .001) when we adjusted for population density, sociodemographic characteristics, and type of housing. Conclusion: More research is needed to determine all the environmental factors associated with smoking prevalence in a densely populated urban environment.


Author(s):  
Elena Gorfinkel

New York City, mid-1960s, black-and-white 35mm film stock and a familiar sexploitation scenario: young Candy leaves her small town. We see her departing on the train. She is fleeing the fate of her mother, a prostitute who has committed suicide. She opines in voice-over about a new life in New York City, which holds the promise of another identity and respite from the shame bestowed by maternal disgrace. Candy (Barbara Morris), with dark hair and cropped bangs, evokes a low-budget Anna Karina circa Jean-Luc Godard’s early 1960s films. She moves in with an old girlfriend, her enchantment by the city’s roiling creative energies and architectural marvels rendered through street scenes, vertiginous views of skyscrapers, female flânerie. Introduced to the world of the single urban working girl by the women whom she befriends, Candy resorts to nude modeling and escorting. After two failed romances, with a philandering nude photographer and a sculptor more piqued by his art than by Candy, she returns to her party girl life while secretly edging toward despair....


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