scholarly journals Particularities of the international cooperation in the Black-Caspian Seas region

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-218
Author(s):  
D. S. Ayvazyan
Keyword(s):  
International Economic ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Limited Scale ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Transit Routes

The paper considers the tendencies of the international cooperation in the Black-Caspian Seas region. Since the collapse of the USSR in 1991, there has been formed the conditions for expanding the cooperation and strengthening the economic relations between the states of the Caspian and Black Seas Region. The paper analyses the international positioning and priorities of the cooperation applied by the regional states, on the basis of which key areas and formats of their interaction are implemented. The results of the cooperation are being studied. They include the creation of intergovernmental organizations and new transit routes for the supply of goods. The influence of the issue of the the legal status of the Caspian sea on cooperation in the Black-Caspian Seas region is also considered. In the context of the conflict of the foreign policy interests, the concept of the regional cooperation has not been formed both on state the intergovernmental level. However, due to the high transit potential of the region, international economic ties are being formed, which is in the interest of all regional states. Regional cooperation is pragmatic and has a limited scale. Expansion of the cooperation is so far possible between the parties that do not have opposing positions on ethnopolitical conflicts.

The Soviet-Iranian Treaty of 1921: History and Modernity (to the Centenary of Conclusion)

2021 ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Zaven A. Arabadzhyan
Keyword(s):  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Property Transfer ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Almost All

After a century since the Soviet-Iranian Treaty was signed in 1921 authors of the article consider its significance from a new viewpoint – as the backing of the sovereignty of Iran and Russia that supported development of their relations. Authors examine the way it complied with the interests of Russia and Iran, and its impact on the bilateral relations in the 20th century. The signing of the Treaty secured the sovereignty of Iran, served as the base for the development of equal relations between the two neighboring states and opened up Iran for relations with foreign states. For the Russia, this document was a step towards breaking its diplomatic isolation. The authors emphasize that Russia had granted almost all its property to Iran which contributed to the improvement of the financial situation in Iran and served as a base for the development of mutually beneficial economic relations between the two countries. The authors mention that the property transfer clause was connected with the security of the Soviet Russia. This fact was reflected in the Article 6 of the Treaty. The Treaty set up the basement for the legal status of the Caspian Sea as a closed sea in the states' joint usage. The Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea, signed in 2018, to some extent retained the special regime of the sea and reflected the spirit of the Treaty of 1921. Although in IRI there are different views about the Treaty some experts consider that it generally complied with Iran's national interests.

scholarly journals TO THE QUESTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LEGALITY OF LOCAL COMMUNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (42) ◽  
pp. 35-61
Author(s):  
Nataliya Yakymchuk ◽  
Ganna Vlasova ◽  
Oksana Vaitsekhovska ◽  
Petro Tsymbal ◽  
Yuliia Baliuk
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Economic Globalization ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Legal Personality ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
International Legal Personality ◽  
Legal Entities

The article is devoted to the issue of international legal personality of cities as subnational persons. The rapid urbanization of cities, modern processes of decentralization of power in the countries and the growth of economic globalization in the world have led to an increase in the autonomy of subnational individuals (especially such their kind as cities). The sphere of greatest manifestation of such independence is economic, within which, cities are increasingly entering into foreign economic relations not only with foreign legal entities, but also with international intergovernmental organizations and governments of foreign countries when solving economic and economic issues of local level. The rapid growth and such foreign economic activity, the legal basis of which, as a rule, are international treaties between the countries, has caused ambiguous understanding of the legal status of subnational persons and highly actualized the research of this problem in the context of determining their international legal personality. The article analyzes the doctrinal approaches to the concept of "subject of international law" and the criteria for their separation from other legal entities participating in relations with a foreign element. The basic international documents and normative legal acts of foreign countries that regulate the legal status of territorial communities of cities as subjects of local self-government and give the rights to enter into a contractual relationship on their own and in a responsible manner in a transboundary context are investigated. Exploring the forms of urban cooperation at the regional and universal levels, the following forms of networking of cities as infrastructures, which are factors of international legal regulation (aimed at economic solidarity) and political ones, in which cities often act as agents of international intergovernmental organizations, are distinguished. Based on the analysis of international documents and national legal acts regulating the legal status of subnational persons and their relations with subjects of international law, as well as domestic and foreign doctrines of international legal personality, a scientific approach to the status of cities in economic relations with a foreign element is formulated. Cities are defined as complementary (substantive) subjects of international legal relations with a special international legal personality: in the formally-legal plane they are granted the rights in foreign economic activity by the legal norms of the national law, which these relations are regulated; similarly to the states, cities (like other subnationals) are representatives of the public interest of the communities of cities; in the economic-practical plane act as independent subjects of economic relations of an international character. Illustrated signs of the rapid development of "city diplomacy", which, on the background of decentralization of authorities to territorial communities and economic globalization, led to the expansion of the scope of international legal personality in the practice of foreign economic relations and caused a gradual change in their international legal personality in international acts.

scholarly journals Economic Relations of the Caspian Sea Countries

2020 ◽  
pp. 145-156
Author(s):  
Orman Sultanli
Keyword(s):  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Transport Infrastructure ◽  
Added Value ◽  
Joint Production ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Creation

The article deals with the economic and political contradictions of the Caspian region. The first and most significant step towards building mutually beneficial cooperation between the five countries located on the Caspian sea coast was the signing of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian sea of 12 August 2018 (the Convention), which defined the common interests of the countries in economic and security issues. This is only the beginning of a successful regional cooperation. Nevertheless, favorable conditions have already been created for the deepening of mutually beneficial economic cooperation and the development of new transit and transport infrastructure. Despite certain aspects of competition in the international hydrocarbon market, the countries of the Caspian region can form a joint production infrastructure based on joint concession megaprojects in order to ensure the export of petroleum products with a high share of added value. This aspect, as well as common interests in the field of security and preservation of the Caspian sea ecosystem, can become the Foundation for the creation of a new regional Association of countries. The article reveals the main issues that can be resolved through the implementation of joint mutually beneficial regional projects. In economic terms, the main obstacle is the competition of the countries of the region in the Chinese hydrocarbon market. Taking into account the capacity and potential of this market, the transition from the positions of competitors to the positions of joint supplies could be ensured by the creation of a single processing production interstate cluster.

scholarly journals THE CASPIAN REGION IN MODERN POLITICS: PROBLEMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-220
Author(s):  
V.V. Pushkareva
Keyword(s):  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Reliable Mechanism

The Caspian region appears in international political terms with the USSR collapse. It includes five littoral countries - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan, which are building cooperation with each other and with non-regional actors in the new geopolitical conditions. The formation of relations is influenced both by the common and diverse national interests of the Caspian states, and by the constant direct and indirect impact of external players: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. Each of them regards the Caspian region as the most important strategic space for political and economic control over Eurasia in accordance with their own interests. The interest of the world powers in strengthening their influence in the Caspian Sea is connected, firstly, with oil and gas reserves, and secondly, with the fact that the region is the center of Eurasia, where a transport transit corridor connecting Europe with various regions of Asia passes. The domestic and foreign political conditions of the Caspian region are not easy. The main problems of regional cooperation are the disunity of the region, the potential for the implementation of "color revolutions" against the background of socio-economic difficulties. The "domino effect" in development of the situation is quite real. There is no reliable mechanism to protect regional interests. The first steps to form multilateral cooperation have been taken on the basis of The Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea.

scholarly journals FIRM PRODUCTIVITY AND IMPORTING BETWEEN UKRAINE AND CHINA

2019 ◽  
pp. 13-19
Author(s):  
Goroshko Maryna
Keyword(s):  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Market Potential ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
The Silk Road

This paper attempts to explore China’s economic interest in Ukraine, a country which is in an advantageous geographic location with relation to China. Considering its position in the global map, Ukraine has the potential to become a transit hub for China. This has huge economic repercussions in Ukraine since China is the second most important EU trading partner after USA. Ukraine can thus take advantage of being a unique transit hub for China in the Silk Road. Instrumental background to Ukraine economic relations with China In spite of having a huge market potential, Ukraine did not share an optimistic trade relation with China. The country’s unstable political environment along with having investment risks induces China to maintain a cautious approach toward Ukraine. However, due to a positive political relationship between the two countries, Ukraine can play in favour of China’s strategy to strengthen the Silk Road Economic Belt. Although this facilitates China’s trading relationship with Russia and the EU, the current crisis in Ukraine has become a concern for China since it does not want to play the role of diplomatic intermediary in Ukraine crisis. China chooses its strategic partners usually based on a couple of factors. The country has to be China’s neighboring country as it can then become a close economic ally, and also the chosen country has to be large in size as China can use it to develop strategic partnership to fulfill its economic goals. However, Ukraine does not fall under any of the categories and so it fulfills a third category which is also another category that is considered by China. Ukraine shows a great potential for economic development, which is important for China as it needs to establish strong economic ties with the country in order to get benefitted in other areas. Moreover, China is also able to encase the history of friendly relationship that it shares with Ukraine, and also Ukraine’s strong geographical position enables China to engage in regional cooperation. Finally, China looks for opportunities of cooperation as this can enhance the strategic relationship between two countries and Ukraine serves such opportunities.

INFRASTRUCTURE POLICY OF THE CASPIAN STATES: DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY AND GEOPOLITICAL AIMS

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 068-077
Author(s):  
Sergey ZHILTSOV
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
National Programs ◽  
Port Infrastructure

In recent years, the Caspian states have been paying increasingly more attention to port infrastructure development. The construction of new facilities and the reconstruction of existing ports received a new impetus. The Caspian states increase their investments in this sphere every year. They have developed national programs that aim to increase the volume of cargo passing through the Caspian states’ seaports. The development of port infrastructure, augmented by new railways, was deliberated by the Caspian states in the context of solving geopolitical problems. The advancement of the negotiation process on the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea brought the solution of economic issues to the fore, along with the development of transport and related infrastructure. The signing of this document in August 2018 only raised the interest of the regional states in trade and economic cooperation. Accordingly, one of the key tasks that the Caspian states were facing was port infrastructure development. The construction of new ports was believed to foster achievement of long-term goals. In addition to economic development, first and foremost, of coastal territories, regional countries sought to reinforce their positions in global trade flows. Besides, the facilities constructed by the Caspian countries in recent years have been integrated in large-scale infrastructure projects, which are being actively promoted by non-regional states. China, the EU and Turkey have a stake in their implementation, and the Caspian infrastructure served as a part of regional transportation projects. The adoption of documents related to the development of transport in the Caspian region by the Caspian states reflected the importance of infrastructure. They formulated long-term tasks and outlined the spheres of cooperation with their regional neighbors. The expansion of regional cooperation by the Caspian countries is accompanied by the intensified struggle for the flow of goods. The Caspian states are growing increasingly competitive in the transportation sphere. The struggle for container traffic volumes and hydrocarbon resources is pushing the Caspian states to apply various financial and administrative mechanisms in order to attract cargo.

scholarly journals The Balanced Current Special Status of the Caspian Sea under International Law

Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (9) ◽  
pp. 51-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. A. Batyr
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Water Area ◽  
Exploration And Exploitation ◽  
Median Line ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Regimes

The article explores the peculiarities of international legal regulation of the special legal status of the Caspian Sea, legal regimes created by the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea the adoption of which in 2018 marked the establishment of a system of treaties with regard to the Caspian Sea. The Convention aims to avoid fragmentation of international legal regulation and represents the result of the codification of the most important issues of regional cooperation among the Caspian States. It is noted that the water area of the Caspian Sea is divided into internal waters, territorial waters, fishing zones, common maritime space. The delimitation of the bottom and subsoil of the Caspian Sea into national bottom sectors is carried out by the agreement between adjacent and opposite States in compliance with the modified median line. 17 principles of activity on the Caspian Sea have been established, legitimate activities and corresponding legal regimes in the Caspian Sea have been defined: exploration and exploitation of its bottom and subsoil resources; fishing, use and protection of aquatic biological resources; shipping; marine scientific research; laying of cables and pipelines; protection of the ecological system.

scholarly journals Future Trends in Caspian Littoral States Five-Side Economic Cooperation

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-174
Author(s):  
Alexandra V. Kachalova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Future Trends ◽  
Mutual Trust ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Oil And Gas Sector

Until lately economic relations of Caspian littoral states were mainly developed on bilateral basis. Level of five-lateral cooperation evidently because of various reasons didn’t matchthe intensity in political dialogue and dynamics of communication in different other segments.Focus on oil and gas sector and aspiration for separation were dominating. Still possible formatsof All-Caspian interaction have been discussed since the Second Caspian Summit 2007. Whileexperience of successful co-working and mutual trust were growing, with new priorities in economic development set (first of all - transport and infrastructure) the Caspian Littoral States started seeking for a suitable common platform. A new chapter for the “Caspian Five” in this segmentwas open with the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea signed at the highest levelin August 2018, as well as intergovermental Agreements on cooperation in trade, economic andtransport fields. Decision to organize the first Caspian Economic Forum in Turkmenistan on August, 12 this year under participation of governments’ members and business delegations of thelittoral states is significant. Cooperation in this format can bring a good synergy.

scholarly journals Azerbaijani-Iranian Relations: Main Directions and Features in 1991-2019 (Historiographical Overview)

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-821
Author(s):  
Mirmehdi M. Aghazada
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
International Transport ◽  
The One ◽  
Foreign Policy Strategies

The article is devoted to the study of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran in 1991-2019, as well as historiography on this topic. The author analyzes the priority areas of cooperation, such as trade and economic relations, tourism, cooperation on trilateral platforms, as well as the factors that influenced the dynamics of their development: Azerbaijani Turks living in Iran; the issue of the legal status of the Caspian Sea and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The author also identifies six stages of bilateral relations: 1) building relations (1991-1993); 2) trouble trusting in a relationship (1994-2000); 3) the most tense period (2001-2003); 4) enhanced cooperation (2004-2010); 5) sharp deterioration (2011-2013); 6) normalization and rapid development (2014-2019). It is indicated that because both states had different foreign policy strategies and international positioning on regional issues, in 1991-2019, bilateral relations were characterized by inconsistency - cooperation, on the one hand, and confrontation, on the other. However, thanks to the efforts of the presidents of both states, bilateral interaction during this period was generally able to maintain its constructive nature. Special attention is paid to the cooperation in the regional triangles: Azerbaijan - Iran - Russia and Azerbaijan - Iran - Turkey, which had different goals and different expectations. If the trilateral cooperation between Baku, Tehran and Moscow is mainly aimed at the implementation of the North-South International Transport Corridor, then the cooperation between Baku, Tehran and Ankara is aimed at strengthening trust and confidence in interstate relations. In conclusion, the author stresses that thanks to the efforts of political elites, especially the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Iran, in general bilateral relations in 1991-2019 were able to maintain their constructive character.

South Africa's economic relations with Africa: hegemony and its discontents

2005 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Alden ◽  
Mills Soko
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
Structured Analysis ◽  
Societal Level ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Economic Ties

South Africa's growing economic presence across the African continent has sparked a debate in public and scholarly circles as to its intentions. While some have been quick to see South African business and parastatals as part of a larger hegemonic project pursued by Pretoria, the authors’ more structured analysis of economic ties with Africa reveals a more complex picture. Institutionalised forms of regional cooperation, such as SACU and SADC, must be contrasted with the activities of South African multinationals and parastatals on the wider African stage to understand the possibilities and limitations of hegemonic practice open to South Africa. Beyond its own region, a key determinant will be its relations with the other leading African power, Nigeria, as well as its ability to compete with other external actors. Finally, the role of ideology is a crucial measure of South African hegemony, and while certainly its ‘soft power’ is evident at the societal level, some African elites actively resist the pull of South Africa-based ideas.

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