scholarly journals THE CASPIAN REGION IN MODERN POLITICS: PROBLEMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION

Author(s):  
V.V. Pushkareva

The Caspian region appears in international political terms with the USSR collapse. It includes five littoral countries - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan, which are building cooperation with each other and with non-regional actors in the new geopolitical conditions. The formation of relations is influenced both by the common and diverse national interests of the Caspian states, and by the constant direct and indirect impact of external players: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. Each of them regards the Caspian region as the most important strategic space for political and economic control over Eurasia in accordance with their own interests. The interest of the world powers in strengthening their influence in the Caspian Sea is connected, firstly, with oil and gas reserves, and secondly, with the fact that the region is the center of Eurasia, where a transport transit corridor connecting Europe with various regions of Asia passes. The domestic and foreign political conditions of the Caspian region are not easy. The main problems of regional cooperation are the disunity of the region, the potential for the implementation of "color revolutions" against the background of socio-economic difficulties. The "domino effect" in development of the situation is quite real. There is no reliable mechanism to protect regional interests. The first steps to form multilateral cooperation have been taken on the basis of The Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea.

Author(s):  
Orman Sultanli

The article deals with the economic and political contradictions of the Caspian region. The first and most significant step towards building mutually beneficial cooperation between the five countries located on the Caspian sea coast was the signing of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian sea of 12 August 2018 (the Convention), which defined the common interests of the countries in economic and security issues. This is only the beginning of a successful regional cooperation. Nevertheless, favorable conditions have already been created for the deepening of mutually beneficial economic cooperation and the development of new transit and transport infrastructure. Despite certain aspects of competition in the international hydrocarbon market, the countries of the Caspian region can form a joint production infrastructure based on joint concession megaprojects in order to ensure the export of petroleum products with a high share of added value. This aspect, as well as common interests in the field of security and preservation of the Caspian sea ecosystem, can become the Foundation for the creation of a new regional Association of countries. The article reveals the main issues that can be resolved through the implementation of joint mutually beneficial regional projects. In economic terms, the main obstacle is the competition of the countries of the region in the Chinese hydrocarbon market. Taking into account the capacity and potential of this market, the transition from the positions of competitors to the positions of joint supplies could be ensured by the creation of a single processing production interstate cluster.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-38
Author(s):  
Sergey Zhiltsov

The Caspian region came into the focus of attention of the Caspian and non-regional states even prior to the collapse of the U.S.S.R. The increased global attention to this region was associated with the presence of proven and potential reserves of hydrocarbon resources, which increased the region’s geopolitical significance. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian region found itself in the center of geopolitical rivalry. From that time on, the subject of energy acquired a new meaning in the Caspian region. Western oil and gas companies and government agencies began to demonstrate an increased interest in the hydrocarbon resources of the Caspian region. Moreover, for decades the West has maintained a close focus on the Eurasian space, in particular, on the problems associated with the production and transportation of hydrocarbon resources. The most acute geopolitical standoff occurred between Russia and the United States, which supported various pipeline projects. For Russia, the key task was to preserve its regional dominance, which had been growing over the course of several centuries. The United States supported the geopolitical turn of the new Caspian states, advocating the creation of new hydrocarbon supply routes that would bypass Russian territory. The key task for the Caspian states was to increase hydrocarbon production and provide reliable routes for their export to foreign markets. Based on these goals, the Caspian states built their own foreign policy, including intraregional policy. Thirty years later, the results of geopolitical rivalry are visible. The Caspian countries, which rely on financial resources and political support from non-regional actors, have implemented large-scale hydrocarbon export projects. The new pipeline architecture has changed the balance of power in the Caspian region, increasing the involvement of the Caspian states in the energy policy of Turkey, China, and the EU. At the same time, the regional states have managed to solve the problem of the international legal status of the Caspian Sea in a five-sided format. A new trend of the last decade has involved projects related to the construction of coastal infrastructure and expansion of shipping. The Caspian countries are growing increasingly more interested in participating in international transport projects, considering them as an important component of their foreign policy. Despite the attained agreements and solutions to key problems, competition between the Caspian states, which is greatly influenced by non-regional actors, is intensifying.


Author(s):  
Zaven A. Arabadzhyan

After a century since the Soviet-Iranian Treaty was signed in 1921 authors of the article consider its significance from a new viewpoint – as the backing of the sovereignty of Iran and Russia that supported development of their relations. Authors examine the way it complied with the interests of Russia and Iran, and its impact on the bilateral relations in the 20th century. The signing of the Treaty secured the sovereignty of Iran, served as the base for the development of equal relations between the two neighboring states and opened up Iran for relations with foreign states. For the Russia, this document was a step towards breaking its diplomatic isolation. The authors emphasize that Russia had granted almost all its property to Iran which contributed to the improvement of the financial situation in Iran and served as a base for the development of mutually beneficial economic relations between the two countries. The authors mention that the property transfer clause was connected with the security of the Soviet Russia. This fact was reflected in the Article 6 of the Treaty. The Treaty set up the basement for the legal status of the Caspian Sea as a closed sea in the states' joint usage. The Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea, signed in 2018, to some extent retained the special regime of the sea and reflected the spirit of the Treaty of 1921. Although in IRI there are different views about the Treaty some experts consider that it generally complied with Iran's national interests.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-591
Author(s):  
Hooman Peimani

AbstractThe absence of an acceptable legal regime for the division of the Caspian Sea among its five littoral states has created grounds for conflicts, crises, and wars in the Caspian region, a situation worsened since 2001 when Iran, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan found each other on a collision course over the ownership of certain offshore oilfields. The region has since been heading towards militarization, while the persistence of conflicts over the Caspian Sea's division has prepared the ground for military conflicts. Fear of lagging behind in an arms and the manipulation of conflicts by the United States and Turkey have further encouraged militarization. Against this background, certain factors, including Turkey's efforts to deny Iran political and economic gains in the Caspian region, the growing American military presence in Eurasia, and the expanding American-Azeri military ties since 11 September 2001 will likely contribute to the creation of a suitable ground for a military conflict in the Caspian region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Stanislav Aleksandrovich Pritchin

For almost three centuries, starting with the campaign of Peter the Great in 1721-1722, Russia has traditionally played a key role in the Caspian Sea. The situation changed dramatically with the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the emergence of three new regional players-Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. For Russia, this meant a significant reduction in influence in the region and the loss of control over most of the water area and the sea and its resources. In the historiography devoted to the region, the emphasis is placed on assessing the new round of geopolitical struggle, the position and interests of Western and regional powers. The author of this article provides a critical analysis of changes in Russian policy towards the Caspian Sea over the past 30 years and assesses the effectiveness of these changes. The difficult transition from the role of a dominant player in a region closed to external competitors to an open geopolitical confrontation over resources, their transportation routes, and political influence at the first stage was not in favor of Russia. Russia could not defend the principle of a condominium for joint development of hydrocarbon resources of the sea. With the active assistance of Western competitors, Russia lost its status as a monopoly transit country for oil and gas from the region. At the same time, thanks to diplomatic efforts and increased political dialogue with its neighbors in the region, Russia managed to resolve all territorial issues at sea by 2003, maintain the closed status of the sea for the military forces of third countries, and by 2018 complete work on the Convention on the international legal status of the sea, which established the principles of cooperation in the region that are important for the Russian Federation. Thus, official Moscow managed to achieve the strategic goals adapted after the collapse of the USSR by using the traditional strengths of its foreign policy and consolidate its status as the most influential player in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-437
Author(s):  
S. Y. Chernitsyna

The article compares the problems of two strategically important regions for Russia — the Caspian region and the Arctic region. Despite the fact that there are some significant geographical and climate differences, the geopolitical situation in the regions is similar. There are almost identical risks in the development of these regions. Special attention is paid to the issue of ecology in the conditions of active oil and gas production. The question concerning the instruments of regulation of interstate relations is sharply raised. International cooperation is essential in addressing key issues in the regions, such as improving socio-economic conditions, energy distribution and border management. In particular, it is necessary to define a regulatory framework that would meet the new realities in the Arctic. As for the international legal status of the Caspian sea, it was settled by the adoption of the Convention following the summit in 2018. The main difference is that the Caspian region was exposed to the anthropogenic factor much earlier. The lessons learned from the work in the Caspian region can be used in the Arctic region, which can reduce some of the risks associated with the interaction of coastal countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 06 (02) ◽  
pp. 23-27
Author(s):  
Gulshan Zeynalova Gulshan Zeynalova

The Caspian Sea is the largest body of water in Eurasia: After the collapse of the USSR, the water area of this region is a zone of interest for many states. [1] The Caspian region rightfully serves as one of the most significant regions for most countries interested in the mineral resources that the Caspian is rich in. The Caspian Sea has a significant hydrocarbon reserves. According to the Energy Information Administration (EIA), hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian basin have the following values: oil - 48 billion barrels of oil, natural gas - 292 trillion. cubic feet (found and probable reserves), of which 75% and 67%, respectively, are produced or may be produced offshore. The northern part of the Caspian Sea contains most of the oil reserves, while the southern sector of the Caspian Sea is rich in natural gas.[2] It should be emphasized that the list of states that have the rights to use the resources of the Caspian Sea is as follows: Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan. It is impossible to correlate the importance of the oil and gas resources of the Caspian reservoir for each of the above countries, for the following reasons: Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan are countries for which the hydrocarbon potential of the Caspian is the most important predictor of the formation and development of the economy, while for Kazakhstan, the use of oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea plays an important , but not the most decisive role, since oil and gas deposits in this country are not limited to the Caspian region, but its economy is developing in other directions. Iran and Russia, however, are interested in influencing the direction of flows of oil and gas raw materials, including their transit through the territory of the countries. [3] The last years for the Caspian region have become the years of a shift in the development of the oil and gas industry of the Caspian "five", which account for 17.6% of oil reserves and 46.4% of gas reserves in terms of global reserves. It is assumed that on the territory of the Caspian shelf, which belongs to Russia, oil reserves amount to 270 million tons, natural gas reserves - 0.5 trillion cubic meters. m of gas. [4] Of course, it is worth noting that the potential of the Russian sector of the Caspian Sea is significantly lower than the oil and gas potential of Yamal or Western Siberia, but the development of this region is important for the strategic development of the oil and gas sector, in particular offshore drilling.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-296
Author(s):  
E. A. Markova

The collapse of the USSR resulted for Azerbaijan to pursue an independent foreign policy. Azerbaijan focused on establishing and furthering relations with Western states, primarily, with the United States. Official Baku considered the United States as an important partner to provide support for the economic development and production of hydrocarbon resources. On the other side, the United States also increased its focus on Azerbaijan due to the favorable geographical position of the Caspian state and the pro-Western attitude of its political elite. The US counted on taking advantage of Azerbaijan to change the flow of oil, which was supposed to be produced in the future. The United States played a decisive role in expanding Azerbaijan's cooperation with Western oil companies, which headed for the shores of the Caspian Sea. As a result, the Azerbaijani-American cooperation in the 90s of the XX century led Baku to chose the western direction in exporting its hydrocarbon resources as the principal one. In addition, under the US influence, Azerbaijan took a tough position on the international legal status of the Caspian Sea. Cooperation between the United States and Azerbaijan has had a great impact on the situation in the region, relations with Russia and the other Caspian states.


Author(s):  
Araz O. Mursaliev

In 2018, the legal status of the Caspian Sea was clearly defined. Hence, the issue of sustainable development takes the centre stage. Regional legal regime of environmental protection may develop through the transfer of executive functions provided for in the intergovernmental convention and entrusted to the national authorities of the Caspian States to a single competent authority in order to improve their efficiency. The article is aimed at studying the issues of correlation between international legal rules on the Caspian Sea environmental protection and Russian national legislation in order to identify the optimal scope of executive functions that can be transferred to a regional intergovernmental organization, as well as to identify promising directions for further development of the applicable national legislation. The author shows that for a more efficient environmental protection of the Caspian region the Caspian states need a single regional intergovernmental body that coordinates their environmental activities, collects data and information on pollution on a centralized and timely basis, and regularly performs assessment of the Caspian region environment. Further, the author also shows the need for further development of applicable national legislation in the context of the concept of integrated coastal management


2021 ◽  
Vol 6(16) (4) ◽  
pp. 36-48
Author(s):  
A. K. Akhmadiyev ◽  
D. S. Brylov

Consideration of the issue of the legal status of the Caspian Sea seems very relevant both from the social and political point of view and from the point of view of the organization of subsoil use. Today, the Caspian hydrocarbon reserves are estimated at about 3% of the total world reserves, which makes this region a place of attraction for many subsoil users, as well as a place of clash of private and public, as well as interstate interests. It is the study of interrelations and mutual influences of socio-economic and mineral components in this region that is most important for understanding the system of relations in the region and their forecasts. The aim is to analyze retrospectively the formation of common rules of relations in the Caspian region and determine the role of the mineral factor in them. The basis for writing the article was a review and comparison of publicly available domestic and foreign literary sources concerning both the question of the right status of the Caspian Sea and the features of subsoil use in the Caspian Sea, as well as a critical analysis of regulations. The sources were sampled taking into account the time period from 2000 to 2020. Among the features of subsoil use in the Caspian Sea were identified and described physical-geographical, primarily climatic, geological, engineering-geological and ecological features. When considering the chronology of the solution of the «Caspian issue», close attention was paid to the characteristics of the Caspian summits and the main events associated with the intensification of subsoil use in the Caspian Sea. In particular, the events related to the laying of oil pipelines by Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, the participation of large energy companies in the development of fields, the contradictions that have arisen between countries on the basis of subsoil use were considered. In addition, the key provisions of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea adopted in 2018 were considered. The main thing that the retrospective analysis has shown is that the role of the mineral factor in the formation of relations in the Caspian region is enormous. It can be considered one of the main reasons for long, hesitant steps (which took more than 20 years) on the way to solving the issue of the legal status of the Caspian Sea. At the same time, it should be recognized that even the adopted Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea has not been able to fully resolve the problem of subsoil use in this region, which gives an impulse to search for new ideas in solving this problem


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