scholarly journals Educación para adultos en América Latina: programa de alfabetización “Yo, sí puedo”

Author(s):  
Lic. Vanina Belén Canavire

A principios del siglo XXI, la realidad latinoamericana manifiesta una problemática social que aún no logra resolver: el analfabetismo en adultos. Saber leer y escribir es una herramienta básica para la participación social y la formación de una conciencia crítica en los ciudadanos. El programa de alfabetización de origen cubano “Yo, sí puedo”, a través de videos y cartillas didácticas, cumple efectivamente con las condiciones exigidas por la “educación para adultos”. Sin embargo, la aplicación de esta novedosa metodología depende de la disposición de los gobiernos nacionales, lo que quedó reflejado en dos casos particulares: Argentina y Bolivia.AbstractIn the early twenty-first century, Latin American reality shows a social problem that still has not been solved: adult illiteracy. Being literate is a basic tool for social participation and the formation of a critical consciousness in people. The Cuban literacy program “Yo, sí puedo” (“Yes, I Can”), through educational videos and booklets, effectively meets with the conditions of “adult education”. However, the application of this novel methodology depends on the willingness of national governments, which is here reflected in two particular cases: Argentina and Bolivia.Recibido: 7 de septiembre de 2010 Aceptado: 24 de octubre de 2010

2021 ◽  
pp. 225-256
Author(s):  
Luis Roniger

This chapter assesses where the region stands in the early twenty-first century, as Latin American democracies exhibit a tug of war between executive policies and strong participatory trends, with countries joining multiple yet segmented intergovernmental organizations that have failed to reach institutional integration and express a voice in unison. These tensions have never been as poignant as in the current scenario, as the region faces transnational challenges and dilemmas, exacerbated by the health pandemic and economic contraction.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-420
Author(s):  
Theodoros Papadopoulos ◽  
Ricardo Velázquez Leyer

Latin America has emerged as a social policy ‘laboratory’ in recent decades and most prominent among the social policy innovations developed in the region are the so-called Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programmes (Cecchini et al., 2015; Borges Sugiyama, 2011; Martínez Franzoni et al., 2009). They have been widely promoted by international organisations across the world as policy instruments that enhance human capital and the agency of participants while reducing poverty and inequality and promoting co-responsibility and self-help in the long-term (see Sandberg, 2015; Bastagli, 2009; Lomelí, 2008, 2009).


2000 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
York W. Bradshaw ◽  
Mark J. Schafer

Half of the world's population will live in cities by the early twenty-first century, and, of the ten most populated cities, nine will be in the developing world. Unfortunately, this is occurring at a time when national governments are increasingly unable to provide basic public services to growing populations. International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) have dramatically increased their efforts in urban areas and in economic and social development in general. Although sociologists have examined the causes and effects of Third World urbanization and development, they have not focused on the role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in this process. We argue that inclusion of NGOs in the literature is necessary and even compatible with several current theories of development. We test the impact of INGOs on three interrelated measures of urbanization and development: overurbanization, economic growth, and access to safe water. The results show that INGOs slow overurbanization and promote economic and social development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-51
Author(s):  
Brandon P. Martinez ◽  
Alejandro Portes

We summarize the history of Latin American urbanization with a focus on the evolution of cities from the colonial and post-colonial eras to the adoption of the import-substitution model of development and its subsequent replacement by a neoliberal adjustment model. Consequences for the urban system of both import-substitution and neoliberal policies are examined, with a focus on the evolution of the urban population and trends in several strategic areas. We examine indicators of unemployment and informal employment; poverty and inequality; and urban crime and victimization rates as they evolved from the import-substitution era to the implosion of the neoliberal model that replaced it in the early twenty-first century. The consequences for cities of the disastrous application of this model are summarized as a prelude to the analysis of more recent trends. Based on the latest statistical indicators available, we document a significant decline in unemployment and economic inequality in six Latin American nations that jointly comprise 80 percent of the population of the region. Employment in the informal sector also declined steadily, although it still comprises a large proportion of Latin American labor markets. Consequences of this situation for the citizenry and alternative government policies to address it are discussed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Cypher

From the 1930s until the early 1970s, national industrialization programs in Latin America were part of an effort to introduce social policies that broadened the national market, indirectly creating employment opportunities. Yet, Celso Furtado and other structuralists found the pattern of investment in Latin America predetermined by the unequal composition of aggregate demand, skewed toward the landholding-industrial-financial elite and newly emerged professional strata, leading to constricted employment. In reaction to the inclusive policies urged by the structuralists, insurgent neoliberal policies created a new climate of hostility toward unions and indifference to employment. Neoliberal doctrines deconstructed labor’s eminence, forcing flexibility and precariousness while labor laws and unions were conjured as market distortions. Social neoliberalist, neostructuralist, and neodevelopmentalist regimes arose in the early twenty-first century as a reaction to the failure of neoliberalism to create growth and employment security. These temporary regimes have focused largely on income transfer policies, deploying economic surpluses arising from reprimarization as serendipitous exogenous forces generated export income windfalls from the commodities boom. Fundamental issues such as the pervasiveness of informal work, the recent introduction of flexible employment regimes, and deunionization have not been addressed. Desde la década de 1930 hasta principios de la década de 1970, los programas nacionales de industrialización en América Latina fueron parte de un proyecto para introducir políticas sociales que ampliaran el mercado nacional, generando indirectamente oportunidades de empleo. Sin embargo, Celso Furtado y otros estructuralistas notaron que el patrón de inversión en América Latina estaba predeterminado por la composición desigual de la demanda agregada y favorecía a la élite terrateniente-industrial-financiera y los estratos profesionales recién surgidos, todo lo cual restringía el empleo. En respuesta a las políticas inclusivas instadas por los estructuralistas, las políticas neoliberales emergentes tomaron una postura hostil hacia los sindicatos y trataron la cuestión del empleo con indiferencia. Las doctrinas neoliberales deconstruyeron la eminencia del trabajo, dando lugar a la flexibilidad y la precariedad, mientras que las leyes laborales y los sindicatos se presentaron como distorsiones del mercado. Los regímenes sociales neoliberales, neoestructuralistas y neodesarrollistas surgieron a principios del siglo XXI en reacción al fracaso del neoliberalismo para generar crecimiento y seguridad laboral. Estos regímenes temporales se han centrado en gran medida en las políticas de transferencia de ingresos, utilizando superávits económicos derivados de la reprimarización, ya que fuerzas exógenas coyunturales inesperadas generaron ingresos extraordinarios a raíz del boom de los productos básicos. Sin embargo, no se han abordado cuestiones fundamentales como la omnipresencia del trabajo informal, la reciente introducción de regímenes flexibles de empleo y la destrucción de los sindicatos.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 58-71
Author(s):  
Sébastien Dubé

Abstract: This article analyzes the evolution, between 2010 and 2020, of the organizations created during the Latin American post–liberal regionalism wave. It describes their rise and decline and includes recent public opinion data to claim that there is no demand or supply for an eventual fifth wave of regionalism that would replicate the previous models. Considering the failure of national governments in fulfilling basic human needs, it nonetheless claims that the deepening of the critical social and economic conditions, especially in the COVID-19 pandemic context, could lead to a fifth wave of regionalism in Latin America. Nevertheless, to succeed, such a wave could be inspired by international and regional technical organizations in a way that would recall the principles of David Mitrany’s functionalist theory.Resumen: Este artículo analiza la evolución de las organizaciones creadas durante la ola de regionalismo post-liberal en América Latina entre 2010 y 2020. Describe su auge y caída e incluye datos recientes de opinión pública para plantear que no existe una demanda ni una oferta para una quinta ola de regionalismo similar a las olas anteriores. Sin embargo, el fracaso de los Estados en asegurar las necesidades sociales básicas y la degradación de las condiciones socioeconómicas, particularmente en el contexto de la pandemia COVID-19, podrían llevar a una quinta ola de regionalismo latinoamericano. Para que dicha ola pudiese tener éxito, podría inspirarse en las acciones de organizaciones técnicas internacionales y regionales, de una manera que recuerda los principios de la teoría funcionalista de David Mitrany.Résumé: Cet article analyse l’évolution, entre 2010 et 2020, des organisations créées durant la vague de régionalisme postlibéral en Amérique latine. Il décrit leur montée et leur déclin et inclut des données récentes d’opinion publique afin de soutenir l’argument selon lequel il n’y a actuellement ni demande, ni offre d’une cinquième vague de régionalisme latino-américain semblable aux vagues précédentes. Cependant, l’échec des États à assurer les besoins humains fondamentaux et la dégradation des conditions sociales et économiques, notamment dans le contexte de la pandémie de Covid-19, pourraient mener à une cinquième vague de régionalisme dans la région. Pour donner des résultats concrets, celle-ci pourrait être inspirée par l’action des organisations techniques internationales et régionales d’une façon rappelant les principes de la théorie fonctionnaliste de David Mitrany.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariano Féliz

For Ruy Mauro Marini, writing in the mid-1990s, neodevelopmentalism in Latin America ended with the moratoria on debt repayment in Mexico and Brazil in the early 1980s, which ushered in an era of International Monetary Fund control. For him this demonstrated the inability of the Latin American bourgeoisie to achieve autonomy at the international level. Neodevelopmentalism returned in early-twenty-first-century Argentina in the local context of a new class politics and a wider context marked by the emergence of China in the world economy and the influence of Chavismo. It consisted of an economic policy that consolidated the new hegemonic groups led by transnational capital through the superexploitation of labor and nature and the revival of the myth of development expressed by the notion of “growth with social inclusion.” For a time the project was characterized by high rates of profit and high levels of (albeit precarious) employment, but, as the global crisis of 2008 revealed its limitations and the “fine-tuning” of economic policy produced a decline of real incomes and consumption, it led to fragmentation of the political spectrum and a realignment of its principal actors. Mauricio Macri’s election to the presidency in 2015 represented a counterrevolution that, as Marini predicted decades ago, would involve more violent superexploitation and stronger imperialist influence. Para Ruy Mauro Marini, escribiendo a mediados de la década de 1990, el neodesarrollismo en América Latina terminó con la moratoria sobre el pago de la deuda en México y Brasil a principios de la década de 1980, lo que marcó el comienzo de una era de control del Fondo Monetario Internacional. Para él, esto demostró la incapacidad de la burguesía latinoamericana para lograr la autonomía a nivel internacional. El neodesarrollismo regresó en la Argentina de principios del siglo XXI en el contexto local de una nueva política de clase y un contexto más amplio marcado por el surgimiento de China en la economía mundial y la influencia del chavismo. Consistió en una política económica que consolidó los nuevos grupos hegemónicos liderados por el capital transnacional a través de la superexplotación del trabajo y la naturaleza y el renacimiento del mito del desarrollo expresado por la noción de “crecimiento con inclusión social.” Durante un tiempo el proyecto fue caracterizado por altas tasas de ganancia y altos niveles de empleo (aunque precario), pero, como la crisis global de 2008 reveló sus limitaciones y el “ajuste” de la política económica produjo una disminución de los ingresos reales y el consumo, condujo a la fragmentación del espectro político y una realineación de sus principales actores. La elección de Mauricio Macri a la presidencia en 2015 representó una contrarrevolución que, como predijo Marini décadas atrás, implicaría una superexplotación más violenta y una influencia imperialista más fuerte.


Author(s):  
Dale Chapman

Hailed by corporate, philanthropic, and governmental organizations as a metaphor for democratic interaction and business dynamics, contemporary jazz culture has a story to tell about the relationship between political economy and social practice in the era of neoliberal capitalism. The Jazz Bubble approaches the emergence of the neoclassical jazz aesthetic since the 1980s as a powerful, if unexpected, point of departure for a wide-ranging investigation of important social trends during this period. The emergence of financialization as a key dimension of the global economy shapes a variety of aspects of contemporary jazz culture, and jazz culture comments upon this dimension in turn. During the stateside return of Dexter Gordon in the mid-1970s, the cultural turmoil of the New York fiscal crisis served as a crucial backdrop to understanding the resonance of Gordon’s appearances in the city. The financial markets directly inform the structural upheaval that major label jazz subsidiaries must navigate in the music industry of the early twenty-first century, and they inform the disruptive impact of urban redevelopment in communities that have relied upon jazz as a site of economic vibrancy. In examining these issues, The Jazz Bubble seeks to intensify conversations surrounding music, culture, and political economy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-31
Author(s):  
Arivaldo Sezyshta

Resumo: Este artigo tem por objeto apresentar a Filosofia Política Crítica da Libertação em Enrique Dussel, analisando sua gênese e evolução e mostrando a influência decisiva da filosofia da práxis de Karl Marx para esse pensamento, em especial a partir do conceito de exterioridade, entendida como sendo o âmbito onde o outro se revela, onde permanece livre em seu ser distinto. A exterioridade, precisamente, é tida pela Filosofia da Libertação como a categoria principal do legado marxiano e pressuposto teórico fundamental, que viabiliza o discurso de Dussel, sobretudo na opção radical pela vítima, marca de seu pensamento filosófico. Mediante isso, aqui se assume a tese de que há em Dussel uma parcialidade pela vítima: seu pensamento está construído, propositalmente, em favor da vítima. O esforço deste trabalho é o de mostrar que a opção pela vítima será o fio condutor de todo seu pensar, o que cobra da Filosofia da Libertação uma pretensão crítica de pensamento, fazendo com que o labor filosófico seja desafiado e provocado pela necessidade real de auxiliar a vítima, exigência do povo latino-americano em seu caminho de libertação. Em termos de resultado, para além da importância atual do pensamento marxiano para a compreensão da realidade e a crítica ao capitalismo, ressalta-se a relevância teórico-prática do pensamento dusseliano para a Filosofia Política como um todo, pelas suas contribuições no cenário contemporâneo, pela coragem em apontar em direção a outra sociedade, trans-moderna e transcapitalista, já em curso nas práticas coletivas de Bem Viver.Palavras-chaves: Filosofia. Libertação. Enrique Dussel. Bem Viver. Abstract: This article aims to present the Critical Political Philosophy of Liberation in Enrique Dussel, analysing its genesis and evolution and showing the decisive influence of Karl Marx’s philosophy to his thought. Especially from his concept of exteriority, understood as being the space where the other reveals itself, where it remains free in its distinct being. The Externality, precisely, is considered by the Philosophy of Liberation as the main category of the Marxian legacy. It is the fundamental theoretical presupposition, which makes Dussel's speech possible, mainly in the radical choice for the victim, the hallmark of his philosophical thought. Hereby the assumption is made that there is in Dussel a partiality for the victim: his thought is purposely constructed in favour of the victim. The effort of this work is to show that the option for the victim will be the guiding thread of all his thinking, which demands from the Philosophy of Liberation a critical pretension of thought. Thus, causing the philosophical work to be challenged and provoked by the real need to help the victim, the demand of the Latin American people in their way of liberation. In addition to the current importance of Marxian thought for the understanding of reality and the critique of capitalism, the theoreticalpractical relevance of Dusselian thought for Political Philosophy as a whole is emphasized by its contributions in the contemporary scenario, by the courage to point towards another society, trans-modern and transcapitalist, already under way in the collective practices of Well Living.Keywords: Philosophy. Release. Enrique Dussel. Well living. REFERÊNCIAS   ACOSTA, Alberto. O Bem Viver: uma oportunidade para imaginar outros mundos. São Paulo: Autonomia Literária, 2016.ARGOTE, Gérman Marquínez. Ensayo Preliminar y Bibliografia. In: DUSSEL, Enrique. Filosofia de la liberación latinoamericana. Bogotá: Nueva América, 1979.BOULAGA, Eboussi. La crise Du Muntu: authenticité africaine Et philosophie. Paris: Présence Africaine, 1977.CALDERA, Alejandro Serrano. Filosofia e crise: pela filosofia latinoamericana. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1984.CAIO, José Sotero. Manifesto-Declaração do Rio de Janeiro/1993. In: PIRES, Cecília Pinto (Org.) Vozes silenciadas: ensaios de ética e filosofia política. Ijuí: Editora Inijuí, 2003, p.263-271.CASALLA, Mario Carlos. Razón y liberación: notas para una filosofia latinoamericana. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 1973.DUSSEL, Enrique. Filosofia da libertação - na América Latina. São Paulo: Loyola, 1977._______. Filosofia de la Liberación Latinoamericana. Bogotá: Nueva América, 1979._______. Para uma ética da libertação latino-americana III: eticidade e moralidade. São Paulo: Loyola, 1982._______. Filosofía de la producción. Bogotá: Editorial Nueva América, 1984._______. Ética comunitária. Madrid, Ediciones Paulinas, 1986._______. Introdución a la filosofía de la liberación. Bogotá: Nueva América, 1988._______. 1492 – O encobrimento do Outro: a origem do mito da modernidade. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1993. _______. Filosofia da libertação: crítica à ideologia da exclusão. São Paulo: Paulus, 1995._______. Filosofía de la Liberación. Bogotá: Editorial Nueva América, 1996._______. Ética da libertação na idade da globalização e da exclusão. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2000. _______. Hacia una filosofia política crítica. Bilbao: Desclée, 2001._______. 20 teses de política. São Paulo: Expressão Popular, 2007.FANÓN, Franz. Os condenados da terra. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1979.FLORES, Alberto Vivar. Antropologia da libertação latino-americana. São Paulo: Paulinas, 1991.FREIRE, Paulo. Pedagogia do oprimido. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1974 GULDBERG, Horacio C. Filosofía de la liberación latinoamericana. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1983.IFIL. Livre Filosofar: Boletim Informativo do Ifil, Ano IX, No.18, 1988.LAS CASAS, Bartolomé de. O Paraíso perdido: Brevíssima relação da destruição das Índias. Trad.: Heraldo Barbuy. 6 ed. Porto Alegre: L&PM, 1996.LATOUCHE, Serge. Pequeno tratado do decrescimento sereno. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2009.LÖWY, Michael. Ecologia e Socialismo. São Paulo: Cortez, 2005.MARTI, José. Política de  nuestra América. México: Siglo XXI, 1987.SEZYSHTA, Arivaldo José e et al. Por uma terra sem males: seminário de formação para educadores e educadoras. Recife: Dom Bosco, 2003.ZEA, Leopoldo. Dependencia y liberación en la cultura Latinoamericana. México: Joaquín Mortiz, 1974.ZIMMERMANN, Roque. América Latina o não ser: uma abordagem filosófica a partir de Enrique Dussel (1962-1976). Petrópolis: Vozes: Petrópolis, 1987.


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