scholarly journals Strategy in the making: Russia-NATO Relations under Strategic Competition

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (27) ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Luis Alexander Montero Moncada ◽  
Maria Paula Velandia García

In this article, we examine the elements that are being developed by NATO and Russia in a strategic competition in Europe. Having analysed these elements, each sub-system, as described by the Realist Theory of International Relations, is facing major changes in today’s world politics. From Northern Europe to the Balkans and the Black Sea region, the analysis focuses on areas of tension that could potentially become problematic for the interaction between the two actors. Besides, the Baltic region is explained further due to its continuous activity regarding either hybrid or tradition war tactics. Finally, we draw a parallel between NATO, the EU and the USA as main actors in European Security and how the latter has been changing drastically since Donald Trump took office. We conclude by analysing potential risks, scenarios and conflicts between NATO and Russia in short range projections.

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (12) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
V. Vasil'ev

The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are emerging all the time, but they have to be considered within a concrete historical and political context. Being of primary significance for all German chancellors, the Trans-Atlantic factor has been shaping itself in a controversial way as to the nation’s public opinion. This has been confirmed by many opinion polls, including the survey on the signing of the EU–U.S. Agreement on the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Chancellor A. Merkel is playing an important role: she is either ascribed full compliancy with Washington, or is being tentatively shown as a consistent government figure in advancing and upholding of Germany's and the EU's interests. A. Merkel has implemented her peace-seeking drive in undoing the Ukrainian tangle by setting up the “Normandy format” involving the leaders of Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine while having cleared it through with the U.S. President B. Obama well in advance. Despite the increasing criticism of Washington’s policy among some part of Germans, for the majority of German voters, the USA remains a country of implementable hopes, the only power in the world possessing a high education level and the most advanced technologies. Americans, for their part, are confident of the important role that Berlin plays in world politics, particularly in what concerns the maintenance of unity within the EU. Berlin aims at further constructive interaction with the USA in the frame of NATO as well as within other Trans-Atlantic formats. Notwithstanding the steady tendency toward increasing of the Washington policy’s critical perception degree in German society, officially Berlin continues as Washington’s true ally, partner and friend. There is every reason to believe that after the 2017 Bundestag elections, the new (the former) Chancellor will have to face a modernized Trans-Atlantic partnership philosophy, with a paradigm also devised in the spirit of the bloc discipline and commitments to allies. The main concern for Berlin is not to lose its sovereign right of decision-making, including the one that deals with problems of European security and relations with Moscow. Regrettably, Germany is not putting forward any innovative ideas on aligning a new architecture of European security with Russia’s participation. Meanwhile, German scholars and experts are trying to work out a tentative algorithm of a gradual return to the West’s full-fledged dialogue with Russia, which, unfortunately, is qualified as an opponent by many politicians. Predictably, the Crimea issue will remain a long-lasting political irritant in relations between Russia and Germany. Although not every aspect of Berlin’s activation in its foreign policy finds support of the German public, and the outburst of anti-American feeling is obvious, experts believe that the government of the FRG is “merely taking stock of these phenomena and ignores them”. Evident is the gap between the government's line and the feeling of the German parties’ basis – the public. It is noteworthy that the FRG has not yet adopted the Law on Holding General Federal Referendums on key issues of the domestic and foreign policy. There is every indication to assume that the real causes of abandoning the nationwide referendums are the reluctance of the German ruling bureaucracy and even its apprehensions of the negative voting returns on sensitive problems, – such as basic documents and decisions of the EU, the export of German arms, relations with the U.S., etc. The harmony between Berlin’s "Realpolitik" and German public opinion is not yet discernible within the system of Trans-Atlantic axes.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-214
Author(s):  
Silviu-Marian Miloiu

The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies continued to organize in 2012 a series of events, one of the most meaningful of which was the third international conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies entitled European networks: the Balkans, Scandinavia and the Baltic world in a time of economic and ideological crisis opened on 25 May at Valahia University of Târgoviște and sponsored by the Romanian National Research Council, Niro Investment Group and other partners (http://www.arsbn.ro/conference-2012.htm). The main goal of the conference was to foster debate and academic discussion with regard to the challenges the Balkan and Baltic regions face today, within a time of severe global economic instability. The participants discussed and advanced solutions to problems such as the accession of Balkan states to the EU and/or NATO, with particular reference to the experiences of the relatively new EU and/or NATO Member States from South-Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic region; the economic, security or cultural threats posed by Balkan and/or Eastern European states or non-state actors to the Western or Nordic Europe as perceived there; the development of extremist movements and the Balkan organized crime in the Scandinavian countries; the Balkan Roma peoples as a “threat” for Western and Nordic Europe; strategies for integrating minorities in the Baltic Sea rim countries and the Black Sea areas.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Brusylovska ◽  
Volodymyr Dubovyk ◽  
Igor Koval

Political, economic and cultural borders are usually different from geographical ones; this also applies to the Black Sea region. Only six countries border the Black Sea: Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia and Turkey. But the Charter of the Organization of Black Sea Cooperation (BSEC) was also signed by Albania, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Greece. Moldova can be geographically considered a part of the Black Sea region, as it is located between Ukraine and Romania and is close to the Black Sea. Greece is close to the mouth of the Bosporus, which connects the Black and Mediterranean Seas. Armenia does not border the Black Sea, but is located near it. Two other countries are located on the shores of other seas connected to the Black Sea by many waterways: Azerbaijan (via the Caspian) and Albania (via the Adriatic). Therefore, the definition of the Black Sea is based on the signing of the BSEC, which laid the foundation for modern economic and political relations between 11 countries in the region. However, the relevance of this monograph is primarily due to the fact that the BSEC has not become the main field of interaction for the Black Sea states. On the contrary, its current state can be bluntly described as “comatose”. Therefore, this collective monograph is devoted, firstly, to identifying the behaviour of the main systemic and non-systemic actors that determine the development of the regional system of the Black Sea region, and, secondly, to identify factors that affect these actors in order to predict their behaviour in the medium term. The purpose of the monograph is to identify the causes of the decline of the Black Sea regional system. The research dilemma can be formulated as follows: to what extent is this decline the result of the actions of the two regional leaders, Turkey and the Russian Federation, and to what extent is it due to non-systemic actors? Among the tasks is the identification of modern theoretical approaches that most adequately help to build a study of the dynamics of the Black Sea region. Also included in these tasks is the the identification of the following features: a) the policy of Turkey and Russia as regional leaders of the Black Sea region, b) the policies of the EU and NATO as the most influential international organizations, and c) the policies of China and Japan as non-systemic actors whose influence on the Black Sea is constantly growing. The concepts of systemic and non-systemic actors are critically important for this monograph. Therefore, a systematic approach was chosen for the study, which in turn provided an opportunity to: 1) consider the object under study (the Black Sea) as a complex system of input and output signals, 2) to establish the connection of the system with its environment (world politics, which is manifested in the politics of major world actors), and to 3) specify the object of study (the Black Sea) as a system that is limited by internally defined relationships between elements. A systematic approach to the phenomenon includes the analysis of: 1) the elements that make up the system, 2) the patterns of the origin and development of the phenomenon, 3) its evolution, 4) the reasons for the changes, and 5) the essence and laws of its development. The application of the systems approach first enabled the division of the Black Sea into a number of subsystems (including lower level systems, such as regional leaders, EU newcomers, New Eastern Europe, and the South Caucasus), and then allowed for an analysis of the harmonization of each subsystem within the overall purpose of the system. It further allowed for a final construction of a systemic hierarchy, and the hierarchy of factors which make up this system and contribute to its functioning. A prominent place in the study is given to the study of direct and feedback relations of the Black Sea with the EU, NATO, China and Japan, which constitute the environment of the regional system under study. Additional research methods were chosen, namely the prognostic method and the case study method; the selection of these methods provides for an opportunity not only to investigate individual cases, but also to apply the acquired knowledge in further scientific research on other cases. Scenario construction is a means of forecasting, which is used to predict the development of political events. This establishes a logical sequence of events, based on an existing or given situation. The scenarios focus on the connections between events and on the critical points where the effects can actually have an impact on the situation. Therefore, a study of the Black Sea’s place in world politics would be incomplete without trying to provide potential scenarios for the coming decades. The monograph focuses on the various developing relations in the Black Sea region, which over the years have been researched by the staff of the Department of International Relations of the Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University. Accordingly, the work is structurally divided into eight sections, each of which covers a separate area of the foreign policy of international and national actors. The work is designed for everyone who is interested in foreign policy and international relations – from students to experts.


Author(s):  
Bogdan Grushetskyi

The main stages of the relations between the USA and Bulgaria after the fall of the Communist regimes in the Central-Eastern Europe in1989 are clarified. They were the most active in 1990-1992, 2001-2003, 2005-2008 and their intensity depends mostly on the interest of the USA in the promoting their national interests with the help of Bulgaria. It is revealed, that the energetics and defense are the most important issues in the bilateral interaction. Geopolitical location of Bulgaria allows to consider it as a potentially significant element in the hydrocarbons supply in Europe from the Caspian region, Middle East and Russia. USA regard Bulgaria as a main partner in the South-Eastern Europe because of its strong allied position during the conflicts in the Balkans and Middle East and also its stable political development and rapid temps of democratization. Transformation of the American-Bulgarian cooperation during the second B. Borisov cabinet in power (since the November 2014) are analyzed. The key factor of it is the aggressive politics of Russia in the Black Sea Region. This politics obliged US diplomacy to promote the questions of the Bulgaria’s involving in the Southern Gas Corridor project more consistently and its defensive capacity strengthening. In this period position of Bulgaria in the main regional issues mostly corresponds with the American priorities. It concerns such directions as the international sanctions against Russia because of its aggression in Ukraine, the energy and arms diversification, strengthening of the NATO Eastern borders security.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-382
Author(s):  
Oleksij Fomin ◽  
Alyona Lovska ◽  
Anatolii Horban

Sustainable development of the transport industry can be provided through the introduction of combined transport systems. And one of the most promising ones is the train ferry transport system which combines railway and marine transport facilities. The article deals with the analysis and systematization of the data on the historical development of train ferry routes and describes the background for the construction of train ferry routes and their advantages over other combined transport types. It also deals with the basic features of the train ferries operating on the main international train ferry routes. The study is concerned with both sea routes and routes across rivers and lakes. The article shows the role of train ferry routes in the improvement of a national economy, and in the provision of the military defense, as it was described by Vinogradov at the example of Saratovskaya Pereprava (route) and by Karakashly and Shklyaruk at the example of the lighter Ishimbay which was loaded from the side. The authors have analyzed the development of the train ferry routes serviced by the ice-breaking train ferries Baikal across Lake Baikal, and the ferries Sakhalin linked mainland Russia and Sakhalin Island. The article deals with the peculiarities of transportation by trains ferries in the USA, Japan, Azerbaijan, Dagestan, Germany, Lithuania, and some other countries, and presents the analysis of the operational features of Ukrainian train ferries which connect Ukraine with Bulgaria, Georgia, and Turkey. Besides, the article describes some peculiarities of the loading and transportation of passenger trains by train ferries. The study deals with structural peculiarities, and processing technology used for modern train ferries operating across the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea and the Baltic Sea. The research is based on the analysis of works by Egorov (the Marine Engineering Bureau, Ukraine). The research emphasizes the importance of train ferry transportation for the sustainable development of national economies including the economy of Ukraine.


Author(s):  
В.И. Герасимчук ◽  
V. Gerasymchuk

Глобальные перемены в мировой политике и экономике происходят под решающим влиянием стран «Большой семерки» и БРИКС, придя на смену биполярному миру (США – СССР). После развала СССР каждая из бывших 15 республик, а ныне независимых государств, выстраивает экономические отношения со странами-соседями, международными и региональными объединениями в соответствие со своими стратегическими намерениями. В статье анализируются тенденции социально-экономического развитии Украины и Казахстана в течение 1991-2020гг. Изложены особенности моделей трансформации экономик двух стран. Методологической основой исследования выступает сравнительный ретроспективный анализ происходящих изменений в экономиках обоих государств с применением рейтинговых инструментов и механизмов. Указаны различия в векторах при выборе стратегического партнерства: для Украины – это НАТО, США и ЕС, для Казахстана – ОДКБ, Россия, СНГ и ЕАЭС, а также Китай, США, государства Центральной Азии и ЕС. Обращено внимание на уязвимость национальных экономик от влияния мировых финансовых кризисов, разрывов прежних кооперационных связей, потерей традиционных рынков сбыта, комплекса нерешенных внутренних проблем. Дана оценка экспортного потенциала экономик двух стран; подчеркнута необходимость увеличения в его структуре продукции с высокой добавленной стоимостью. Детально рассмотрены тенденции развития двустороннего торгово-экономического сотрудничества. Предложен комплекс мер по увеличению товарооборота между Украиной и Казахстаном. Global changes in world politics and economy are taking place under the decisive influence of the G7 and BRICS countries, replacing the bipolar world (USA - USSR). After the collapse of the USSR, each of the former 15 republics, now independent states, is building economic relations with neighboring countries, international and regional associations in accordance with their strategic intentions. The article analyzes the trends in the socio-economic development of Ukraineand Kazakhstanduring 1991-2020. The features of the models of transformation of the economies of the two countries are stated. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative retrospective analysis of the ongoing changes in the economies of both countries using rating instruments and mechanisms. Differences in vectors when choosing a strategic partnership are indicated: for Ukraine, these are NATO, the USA and the EU, for Kazakhstan– the CSTO, Russia, the CIS and the EAEU, as well as China, the USA, the Central Asian states and the EU. Attention is drawn to the vulnerability of national economies to the impact of global financial crises, breaks of previous cooperation ties, loss of traditional sales markets, and a set of unresolved internal problems. The assessment of the export potential of the economies of the two countries is given; emphasized the need to increase its structure of products with high added value. Trends in the development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation are examined in detail. A set of measures has been proposed to increase trade between Ukraineand Kazakhstan.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Robarts

The Black Sea region from 1768-1830s has traditionally been characterized as a theater of warfare and imperial competition. Indeed, during this period, the Ottoman and Russian empires engaged in four armed conflicts for supremacy in the Balkans, the Caucasus, and on the Black Sea itself. While not discounting geo-strategic and ideological confrontation between the Ottoman and Russian empires, this article - by adopting the Black Sea region as its primary unit of historical and political analysis - will emphasize the considerable amount of exchange that took place between the Ottoman and Russian empires in the Black Sea region in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Building upon a case study of Bulgarian migration between the Ottoman and Russian empires and as part of a broader discussion on Ottoman-Russian Black Sea diplomacy this article will detail joint Ottoman-Russian initiatives to control their mutual Black Sea borderland.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 178-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muriel Asseburg ◽  
Ronja Kempin

In 2003, the EU declared its civilian and military crisis management instruments ready for deployment. Since then, EU member states have demonstrated their capability to act as a global security player. They have deployed civil missions and military operations to Sub-Saharan Africa, the Balkans, the Eastern neighbourhood, the Near and Middle East, and even to Asia. Th ese engagements have encompassed a variety of approaches and tools to crisis management and stabilisation, ranging from the training of security forces and the support for the rule of law, to the provision of a military or civilian presence, to safeguard elections or to monitor border arrangements and ceasefire agreements, to the fight against piracy or other forms of organised crime. Altogether, by the end of 2009, the EU had conducted 23 missions and operations under the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The EU has made considerable progress on its way to becoming a global security actor. However, case studies show that many ESDP engagements face substantial shortcomings – chief among them the lack of long-term, strategic planning for future deployments, a binding and institutionalised “lessons learned” process as well as a consistent follow-up by member states and EU institutions involved.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliane Schiel

AbstractIt is usually held that by the turn of the millennium Latin Christians stopped enslaving their fellow-believers from within Europe. Scholars have therefore tended to define the late medieval type of domestic slaves in Italian and Iberian households, most of whom had been traded from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea region to Europe, by their cultural and religious difference. Yet, the numerous Christians from the Balkans who came across the Adriatic Sea to the West (and especially to Venice) clearly complicate the picture. They were mostly under twelve years of age and could be purchased at a very low price. The paper examines the commercial policy of the Venetian Senate in respect of the Adriatic human trafficking and sounds the strategies Venetian merchants used in order to pursue their interests, within and outside the legal framework set by the state authorities East and West of the Adriatic Sea.


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