scholarly journals Europe vs. the United States: is there a trade-off between mobility and inequality?

Author(s):  
Luis Ayala ◽  
Mercedes Sastre

The aim of this paper is to assess the possible relationships between individual income mobility and inequality in both the United States and selected European Union member states. The main hypotheses to be tested are the existence of notable differences in mobility between the United States and the European Union which could offset the observed differences in inequality, and the possible differences within the European Union. To this end, the principal approaches available to assess differences in mobility among countries have been reviewed and a wide range of indicators has been calculated. The elaboration of different indicators has allowed us to answer one of the questions that have dominated the debate regarding social models and equity. There are important differences among the countries selected. Most of the indicators present Italy and France as the countries with the highest and lowest mobility, respectively. Contrary to general belief, the United States is shown to have intermediate levels of mobility within an international context. Whatever the case, the most significant result is the absence of any clear relationship between inequality and mobility.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2019/4) ◽  

This article discusses a decision both European Union Member States and states in the United States must make: whether to raise their compulsory automobile insurance minimum amounts. The authors review a case study from the United States, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and conclude a proposed increase in the compulsory minimum amounts should pass the legislator. The purpose of compulsory automobile insurance is to compensate victims of automobile accidents. Due to inflation, the minimum amounts in Pennsylvania no longer compensate adequately. Moreover, the data do not support the contention that an increase in the minimum amounts will cause large increases in premiums and uninsured rates. The authors conclude that compulsory minimum amounts should be periodically reviewed, as they are in the European Union, and that arguments about large increases in premiums and uninsured rates should be subjected to a careful review based on data.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (24) ◽  
pp. 135-159
Author(s):  
Martin Mačanga ◽  
Martin Plešivčák

Abstract The issue of energy prices presents an extremely topical subject with a major impact on human society. Energy demand is constantly increasing and most regions of the world are facing serious difficulties in ensuring sufficient energy supplies. However, not only global events affect energy prices in the particular country. National energy markets are highly specific and some local factors may also prove significant. In our contribution we focus on the Slovak Republic and try to analyze the major political and economic factors affecting the final price of energy, particularly of gas and electricity. We pay attention to the period from the accession of the country to the European Union in 2004 until 2011 characterised by ‘third liberalisation package’ that is associated with a wide range of major changes. Largely monopolized energy market has been gradually opening up to competition and the countries with regulated prices have been facing the increasing pressure to let the free market decide. Progressive liberalisation of energy markets enables consumers to use the energy services offered by various private companies. This new element operating in the energy sector is largely reflected in final energy prices. Thus, the main goal of this study is to highlight the price disparities between different energy commodities in European Union member states since we are at present witnesses to of significant regional disparities in energy prices. We try to analyze current energy prices with respect to GDP (regarding purchasing power parity as well) to ensure that resulting comparison would reflect the financial potential of the population. Demonstrating the effects of the economic crisis on energy prices in different countries will be another important aspect of this contribution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Glanville

AbstractOne of the justifications offered by European imperial powers for the violent conquest, subjection, and, often, slaughter of indigenous peoples in past centuries was those peoples’ violation of a duty of hospitality. Today, many of these same powers—including European Union member states and former settler colonies such as the United States and Australia—take increasingly extreme measures to avoid granting hospitality to refugees and asylum seekers. Put plainly, whereas the powerful once demanded hospitality from the vulnerable, they now deny it to them. This essay examines this hypocritical inhospitality of former centers of empire and former settler colonies and concludes that, given that certain states accrued vast wealth and territory from the European colonial project, which they justified in part by appeals to a duty of hospitality, these states are bound now to extend hospitality to vulnerable outsiders not simply as a matter of charity, but as justice and restitution for grave historical wrongs.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-125
Author(s):  
David Lovell

AbstractActivities by one state to promote democracy in another are now more visible and systematic than they have ever been. Numerous governments, international organizations and private associations spend billions of dollars to build, deepen and defend democracy around the world. Promoting democracy elsewhere forms the centre piece of the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, and is used to justify a wide range of actions, from election observation to education of public officials, but also includes the controversial 2003 US invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq. To judge from the rhetoric, promoting democracy elsewhere has become a guiding theme both of the foreign policies of liberal democracies and of international relations more generally.This article draws chiefly on the experiences of the United States and the European Union — the two most important democracy promoters. It suggests that the prominence given to promoting democracy elsewhere as part of the foreign policies of liberal democracies tends to diminish the challenges of democratization and has the potential to exacerbate international tensions, bring democracy itself into disrepute, and diminish the role of traditional diplomacy in managing differences between states.


Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
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Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


2016 ◽  
pp. 26-46
Author(s):  
Marcin Jan Flotyński

The global financial crisis in 2007–2009 began a period of high volatility on the financial markets. Specifically, it caused an increased amplitude of fluctuations of the level of gross domestic products, the level of investment and consumption and exchange rates in particular countries. To address the adverse market circumstances, governments and central banks took actions in order to bolster the weakening global economy. The aim of this article is to present the anti-crisis actions in the United States and selected member states of the European Union, including Poland, and an assessment of their efficiency. The analysis conducted indicates that generally the actions taken in the United States in response to the crisis were faster and more adequate to the existing circumstances than in the European Union.


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