scholarly journals The Strategic Partners and Strategic Competitors between China and United States in the Period of Barack Obama Administration

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 147
Author(s):  
Nur Arif Nugraha

This essay will consider a number of perspectives to determine whether the relationship between China and United States is strategic partnersor strategic competitors. During the Obama administration, the policy toward China oscillates between being strategic partners and strategic competitors since the first time he became President in January 2009 until the present time.  In this essay, I will argue that the relationship between China and the United States should be based on partnership rather than competition considering the strategic position of both countries in the world recently, especially in terms of economic cooperation. However, there is still a sense of competition between them, especially in military sectors. Sometimes, the relationship between them in this sector often brings the tense to their relationship. Keywords: Obama administration, policy, strategic partners, strategic competitors, relationship.

Author(s):  
Jonathan C. Benjamin-Alvarado

In spite of the significant policy initiatives undertaken by the Barack Obama administration to “normalize” U.S. relations with Cuba, serious barriers and impediments lie ahead. This chapter investigates the daunting policy challenges that face the United States and Cuba in their effort to advance their bilateral diplomatic and economic affairs, owing largely to the draconian conditionality codified in the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (Libertad) Act of 1996 (Helms–Burton Act). Given the highly partisan and divided nature of executive and legislative branches of the U.S. government, it remains uncertain as to whether Congress will allow progress in the normalization process to move beyond the limits of executive action. The chapter identifies and details the concrete steps that must be undertaken by the Congress to dismantle Helms-Burton, and under what conditions that might occur.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203-210
Author(s):  
Jenna Supp-Montgomerie

The telegraph wove its way across the ocean at a time when religion’s role in public life was commonplace. Since then, networks have become more vital to everyday life in easily perceptible ways while religion is considered a less overt part of so-called secular public culture in the United States. The epilogue proposes that the relationship of telegraphic networks to the networks that shape our world today is not causal or continuous but one of resonance in which some elements are amplified and some are damped. The protestant dreams for the telegraph in the nineteenth century—particularly the promise of global unity, the celebration of unprecedented speed and ubiquity, and the fantasy of friction-free communication—reverberate in dreams for the internet and social media today. In cries that the internet makes us all neighbors reverberates the electric pulse of the celebrations of the 1858 cable’s capacity to unite the world in Christian community. And yet, it is not a straight shot from then to now. Some elements have faded, particularly overt religious motifs in imaginaries of technology. The original power of public protestantism in the first network imaginaries continues to resonate today in the primacy of connection.


Subject The outlook for China-Taiwan relations. Significance Taiwan’s China-sceptic government is benefiting from its spectacular success against COVID-19, Western support for its participation in the World Health Assembly against Beijing’s wishes and China's recent decision to let state security agents operate openly in Hong Kong for the first time -- a move that undermines the city’s promised autonomy. Impacts Taiwan’s international aid for battling COVID-19 will build support from key partners, especially the United States and European countries. China will block Taiwan’s participation in international organisations at any level during Tsai’s second term. As Taiwan focuses on unofficial relationships with major democracies, China will continue to whittle away at Taiwan’s official allies.


2004 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

The United States dominates the world as no state has. It emerged from the Cold War the world's only superpower, and no geopolitical or ideological contenders are in sight. Europe is drawn inward and Japan is stagnant. A half-century after their occupation, the United States still provides security and garrisons troops in Japan and Germany – the world's second and third largest economies. US military bases and carrier battle groups ring the world. Russia is in a quasi-formal security partnership with the United States, and China has accommodated itself to US dominance, at least for the moment. For the first time in the modern era, the world's most powerful state can operate on the global stage without the counterbalancing constraints of other great powers. We have entered the American unipolar age.


1970 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-186
Author(s):  
Vitor Eduardo Schincariol

The paper aims to evaluate the macroeconomic performance of the economy of the United States during first administration of Barack Obama (2009-2012).


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  

Most of us feel that our democratic lives have eroded. We are less civil to one another than at any other time in our history, perhaps short of the Civil War—certainly any period in my lifetime. At the 2020 Democratic National Convention, former President Barack Obama described the nation’s current situation in this way: “Our worst impulses unleashed, our proud reputation around the world badly diminished, and our democratic institutions threatened like never before.” Speakers at both parties’ conventions claimed that the 2020 election is a struggle for the soul of the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 19-27
Author(s):  
Weixing CHEN

The rise of China has shaken, to some extent, the pillars sustaining the US dominance in the world. Facing structural challenges from China, the United States has responded on three levels: political, strategic and policy. The Donald Trump administration has adopted a hard-line approach while attempting to engage China at the structural level. The China–US relationship is entering uncertain times, and the reconstruction of the relationship could take a decade.


2003 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-153
Author(s):  
Silke Sahl

Like most members, I always look forward to the Association's Annual Course on International Law Librarianship. The program offers countless learning opportunities, including scholarly lectures, visits to libraries and information centers, and meetings with publishers and vendors. Last but not least, it offers the chance to meet new colleagues as well as to renew friendships and contacts with law librarians from around the world. I anticipated the 2002 Course with particular excitement, because this would be the first time that I would attend one in my own country. Indeed, it would be the first time IALL met in the United States for over a decade. Having experienced the hospitality of law librarians in many different countries over the years, I knew it would be especially meaningful to be able to welcome colleagues from abroad to the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eiri Elvestad ◽  
Lee Shaker

Abstract Around the world, rapid media choice proliferation is empowering audiences and allowing individuals to more precisely tailor personal media use. From a democratic perspective, the relationship between the changing media environment and news use is of particular interest. This article presents a comparative exploration of citizens’ changing orientations towards local, national and international news in two very different countries, Norway and the United States, between 1995 and 2012. Prior research suggests that more media choice correlates with a decrease in news consumption. Our analysis shows a pattern of increasing specialization in news orientation in both countries. We also find that the strongest Norwegian trend is one of specialization while the strongest trend in the United States is one of disconnection. Altogether, the results illustrate how local conditions shape the effects of global technological developments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 663-685 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Messerschmidt ◽  
Achim Rohde

This article examines for the first time the jihadist global hegemonic masculinity of Osama bin Laden. Based on Bin Laden’s public statements translated into English, the authors examine how in the process of constructing a rationale for violent attacks primarily against the United States, he simultaneously and discursively formulates a jihadist global hegemonic masculinity. The research adds to the growing interest in discursive global hegemonic masculinities, as well as jihadist masculinities in the Middle East, by scrutinizing how Bin Laden’s jihadist global hegemonic masculinity is produced in and through his public statements. The authors close their discussion by demonstrating how Bin Laden’s discursive practices are embedded in a clash of competing global hegemonic masculinities on the world stage.


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