Iraq's regional standing In the International Competition situation in the Middle East

Author(s):  
Arkan Ibrahim Adwan

The researcher aimed to identify the most important elements of power for the state of Iraq. As a historically had a country of prestige and influence in its regional, which has made it very important to global and regional powers, in order to achieve their interests in the region.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Nouf Saud Al-Maatouk ◽  
Mohamed Kama

Aim: The present study aims to demonstrate the passive and active impact for the regional role of Qatar which played heavily on the Middle East countries through the limitations and capabilities possessed by the performance of this regional role towards the countries of the region's issues that could be detrimental to the strategic interests. Methodology: The researcher fellowed a descriptive analytical methodology for description and analysis of a scientific phenomenon of Qatar's role on the Middle East countries through the limitations and capabilities possessed by the performance of this regional role towards the countries of the region's issues that could be detrimental to the strategic interests. Results: The current study has revealed 3 main points: 1st The national policy regional and international roles selectors are not in accordance with the standards of the international force generally accepted in the political and strategic doctrine, 2nd The Consequent obligations calculated in the framework of the competition between the major powers, but according to the size of the state in terms of the location, population and limited capabilities in the regional competition and 3rd was that Physical force, and political statesmanship can be substituted in the diplomatic game management, all the way to the strategic goals and the task of maintaining the state and its political system that burgles them, not by the big powers, but by competing regional powers to dominate the region. Conclusion: Qatar plays a key role in the Middle East region. This role mainly connected to the size of determinants, elements, and potentials, which constitute the elements of the State of Qatar's power. The size of the impact of the State's role could be expected, according to the tasks have been undertaken by the State, which depend on the potentials of the state.


Author(s):  
Kleanthis Kyriakidis

In the Arabian Gulf two identities can be really considered almost as important as the national one: the tribal and the sectarian ones. Someone should expect that the reinforcement of these identities is a direct response to inequality and processes of exclusion. Furthermore, parochial tribalism is expected to arise as the protector of cultural heritage, especially in a region where the ex-pats vastly outnumber the locals. Nonetheless, both statements are far from truth. In this paper we will analyze how in the Gulf, sectarian identity came to play a significant role only after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran and it keeps on surviving through mainly instigations and Iranian propaganda, provocations and support. It should be noted that Sunni identity has been allegedly subjugated in other Middle East States (mainly in Syria and Iraq) but in the Gulf the sectarian challenge stems from the Shia communities, openly supported by Tehran. Strangely enough, the tribal identity does not pose that much of a challenge, since tribes are more the friend than the enemy of all Gulf States. Actually, these countries could not have survived without the loyalty and commitment of the tribes not only to the Royal families but also to the idea of the State and the ideal of the Nation – and Gulf Nations do protect their cultural heritage. Keywords: Gulf, Globalization, Fragmentation, Sectarianism, Tribalism


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 584-587
Author(s):  
B. Harun Küçük

This short essay focuses on three issues: how science studies may facilitate the rapprochement between the philological study of scientific texts and Middle East history; how it may help us reconsider ambiguous if not “black-boxed” terms such as the “state,” “Islam,” and the “West”; and finally, how it may build thematic and theoretical bridges with other histories and geographies of science currently emerging from a more global, and not merely local, perspective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian-Vincent Ikejiaku

Abstract The current radical strategies by which there is, on one hand, an increasing European assistance to developing poor countries of Africa/Middle East and on the other hand, tightened border-security within Europe as a means to reduce migration from the South; may worsen the state of poverty in Europe, particularly on the immigrants and impact on the workforce in Europe with implication on development. Though, these strategies may sound radically appealing, they are however, unlikely to reduce migration flows to Europe. While there is still a “wide development gap” between the poor countries of Africa/Middle East and industrialised countries of Europe, migration will often increase, at least in the next two-three decades. Radical border security in Europe will expose the migrants to human trafficking in different form and manifestation contrary to Article 3 UN Protocol on Trafficking in Person. The paper examines the role of the State and Law and development, in addressing the issues of poverty and migration within the industrialised countries of Europe. The research argues that there is the likelihood that poverty and human right issues will increase in Europe in the near-future, if the State/EU fails to play their role, by changing their policy direction and repositioning themselves by improving their Law and development stance. The research employs the human rights-based approach, interdisciplinary and critical-analytical perspective within the framework of international Law and development. It employs qualitative empirical evidence from developed countries of Europe and poor developing countries for analysis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Dhiu ◽  
Ardli Johan Kusuma

ABSTRACTThe Existance of Indonesian Workers in the Middle East, is very beneficial in terms of foreign exchange earnings. Despite the high rate of remittances generated, the Indonesian government must also implement a moratorium on migrant workers sending policies to the Middle East in 2015, which is feared that this could cause a reduction in the amount of remittances, secifically for the Middle East region. Here, the writer will discuss in dept why the government should carry out the moratorium policy of migrant workers to the Middle East in 2015, while the gorvernment  also know that the existance of the overseas migrant workers woud benefit economically. The writer see that, as the main actor, the state is obliged to provide protection for all its citizens whwrever they are.Keywords: Indonesia Workers, Moratorium, National Interest, Protecting Citizens. ABSTRAKKeberadaan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia di Timur Tengah, sangatlah menguntungkan dalam hal pendapatan devisa. Dibalik tingginya angka remitansi yang dihasilkan, namun pemerintah Indonesia juga harus menerapkan kebijakan moratorium pengiriman TKI ke Timur Tengah Tahun 2015, yang mana kebijakan tersebut dikhawatirkan dapat menyebabkan penurunan jumlah remitansi, secara khusus untuk kawasan Timur Tengah. Di sini, penulis akan membahas secara mendalam mengapa pemerintah harus melakukan kebijakan moratorius TKI ke Timur tengah Tahun 2015, sedangkan pemerintah juga tahu bahwa keberadaan TKI luar negeri tentu memberi keuntungan secara ekonomi. Penulis menggunakan sudut pandang realisme, dengan memakai teori kepentingan nasional, sehingga akan dibahas secara  mendalam terkait permasalahan yang ada. Dalam penelitian tersebut, penulis melihat bahwa, sebagai aktor utama, negara wajib memberikan perlindungan bagi seluruh warga negaranya di mana pun berada.Kata Kunci: Tenaga Kerja Indonesia, Moratorium, Kepentingan Nasional, Melindungi Warga Negara.


Author(s):  
Maria Abdel Karim

Queer representations have been present since the 1930s in Arab and Middle Eastern cinema, albeit always in coded forms. However, the idea of homosexuality or queerness in the Middle East is still not tolerated due to religious, political, social and cultural reasons. Middle Eastern filmmakers who represent homosexual relations in their films could face consequences ranging from censorship to punishment by the State or religious extremists. This article explores the representation of lesbians in three transnational Middle Eastern women’s films: Caramel (Sukkar banat, 2007) by Nadine Labaki, set in Lebanon, Circumstance (2011) by Maryam Keshavarz, set in Iran, and In Between (Bar Bahar, 2016) by Maysaloun Hamoud, set in Israel/Palestine. It analyses the position the female lesbian protagonists occupy in the narrative structure and their treatment within the cinematic discourse. The article will examine mise-en-scène elements and compare each director’s stylistic and directorial approach in representing homosexuality within different social and cultural contexts. It will also prompt discussions related to queer identity, queer feminism, women’s cinema, audience reception and spectatorship within the Middle East.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. p50
Author(s):  
Sayed Reza Hussaini

Iran has pursued nuclear weapons for over four decades. The basic reasons for this quest have remained unchanged in the face of the most crippling sanctions. Almost three and a half years after Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran Nuclear Pact (JCPOA), Tehran officially announced that it has enriched uranium up to 60%, very close to the 90% suitable for nuclear weapons. Iran is highly likely to be the world’s next nuclear state. A nuclear-armed Iran will be emboldened to accelerate its aggressive activities in the region and act against its neighbors with little fear of retribution. Moreover, Iran’s network of proxies would adopt a more confrontational approach towards Israel. Besides, Iran’s politics of threat can have serious socioeconomic consequences for Israel.Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons could arguably set off a cascade effect, encouraging other major regional powers to move in the same direction. The West, particularly the United States, would seek to offset this risk by providing a “defenceumbrella”. HhhhjkhggHowever, some might be reluctant to be openly protected by the United Statesor would find the umbrella questionable and choose nuclear option for both security concerns and prestige.


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