ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH INDONESIA ATAS MORATORIUM TENAGA KERJA INDONESIA KE TIMUR TENGAH PADA TAHUN 2015

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Dhiu ◽  
Ardli Johan Kusuma
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Foreign Exchange ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The State ◽  
High Rate ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
East Region ◽  
The Government ◽  
Middle East Region

ABSTRACTThe Existance of Indonesian Workers in the Middle East, is very beneficial in terms of foreign exchange earnings. Despite the high rate of remittances generated, the Indonesian government must also implement a moratorium on migrant workers sending policies to the Middle East in 2015, which is feared that this could cause a reduction in the amount of remittances, secifically for the Middle East region. Here, the writer will discuss in dept why the government should carry out the moratorium policy of migrant workers to the Middle East in 2015, while the gorvernment  also know that the existance of the overseas migrant workers woud benefit economically. The writer see that, as the main actor, the state is obliged to provide protection for all its citizens whwrever they are.Keywords: Indonesia Workers, Moratorium, National Interest, Protecting Citizens. ABSTRAKKeberadaan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia di Timur Tengah, sangatlah menguntungkan dalam hal pendapatan devisa. Dibalik tingginya angka remitansi yang dihasilkan, namun pemerintah Indonesia juga harus menerapkan kebijakan moratorium pengiriman TKI ke Timur Tengah Tahun 2015, yang mana kebijakan tersebut dikhawatirkan dapat menyebabkan penurunan jumlah remitansi, secara khusus untuk kawasan Timur Tengah. Di sini, penulis akan membahas secara mendalam mengapa pemerintah harus melakukan kebijakan moratorius TKI ke Timur tengah Tahun 2015, sedangkan pemerintah juga tahu bahwa keberadaan TKI luar negeri tentu memberi keuntungan secara ekonomi. Penulis menggunakan sudut pandang realisme, dengan memakai teori kepentingan nasional, sehingga akan dibahas secara  mendalam terkait permasalahan yang ada. Dalam penelitian tersebut, penulis melihat bahwa, sebagai aktor utama, negara wajib memberikan perlindungan bagi seluruh warga negaranya di mana pun berada.Kata Kunci: Tenaga Kerja Indonesia, Moratorium, Kepentingan Nasional, Melindungi Warga Negara.

scholarly journals Critical Security and Anthropology from the Middle East

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia El Dardiry ◽  
Sami Hermez
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
East Region ◽  
Original Meaning ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Middle East Region

This colloquy takes the Middle East region as a starting point from which to explore a contrapuntal concept of security that is subverted from its original meaning and captured from the state. The essays follow the lives of revolutionary youth, doctors, commodity traders, refugees, and spies to examine their experiences of (in)security. In doing so, the essays deploy storytelling and other ethnographic forms to think of the political economy, emotions, flows, and ethics of security from the perspective of those living-in-crisis.

scholarly journals Analisis Determinan Makro Ekonomi Pada Beberapa Negara Asia dalam Memepengaruhi TKI Tahun 2011-2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Matius Inganta Purba ◽  
Risni Julaeni Yuhan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Exchange ◽  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Panel Data Analysis ◽  
Analytical Techniques ◽  
Destination Country ◽  
Labor Migrants ◽  
East Region ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Middle East Region

Asia is the country with the largest number of TKI placement. However, from 2012 there was a decrease in the number of overseas placement for Indonesians even in the four year interval there was a decrease up to 52.66 percent including in Asian countries. One of the causes of the decline of labor migrants is due to the revamping of the placement of informal TKI in some countries, especially in the middle east region so that the number of migrant workers is very small. In fact, the remittance of migrant workers is one of the largest foreign exchange contributors in Indonesia. In 2011, the value of remittance reached 60 trillion or the second highest contributor of foreign exchange. Of course with the existence of such remittances can support the Indonesian economy. The purpose of this study is to see what variables that influence in the process of placement of overseas workers especially in some countries in Asia continent based on economic condition of destination country. Analytical techniques used are panel data analysis with inflation variable, per capita income, unemployment rate, and exchange rate of destination country. The results of this study indicate that the variables of inflation, income per capita, and unemployment rate in influencing the number of placement of labor migrants in the destination country.

Malaysia’s Relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran: Juggling the Interests

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Fauzi Abu–Hussin ◽  
Asmady Idris ◽  
Mohd Afandi Salleh
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
East Region ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Middle East Region

The Middle East region, especially the oil-rich Arab economies, is regarded as one of Malaysia’s important economic and trading partners. Economic and political changes at the global and regional level have simultaneously shifted Malaysia’s interests in the region. At the same time, there has also been rising interest from countries in the region to expand their economic relationships with Malaysia. Apart from the United Arab Emirates, which is Malaysia’s largest trading partner in the Middle East region, Saudi Arabia and Iran are now becoming more visible for their contributions toward the Malaysian economy. Economic interest certainly is the main driving force behind the latter’s efforts to enhance its connection with these countries. Efforts to reap economic benefit from these countries and to attract petro-dollar investments would also have negative consequences on Malaysia’s domestic, social, and religious affairs due to an influx of Arab and Iranian people coming into the country. Religious extremism and sectarianism are among the challenges that Malaysia is encountering and the authorities are quite critical of those ideologies, and over the years, the teaching of Wahhabism and Shiism have been banned in the country. Could this affect Malaysia’s connection with those countries in the Persian Gulf? How has the government engaged with these local issues without jeopardizing its economic inter-connection with Saudi Arabia and Iran? Given that they are two contrasting countries, how has Malaysia balanced its relationships with these two states?

scholarly journals TURKEY’s «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» WITH THE TALIBAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE EU AND NATO

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Alexander Shumilin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World Community ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
East Region ◽  
The World ◽  
Special Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
The Eu

The article focuses on two international political aspects of the radical changes in the situation in Afghanistan after the seizure of power there by the Taliban: the problem of legalizing the new government through its recognition by other states, first, and Ankara’s intensified efforts to establish «special relations» with the Taliban, second. The attempts of the latter to achieve their recognition on the world stage have at the moment not led to the desired result for them. Neither the «collective West», nor Russia, China and the countries of the Middle East and Central Asia are in a hurry to recognize the government of the group classified by the UN as a terrorist organization. At the same time, the threat of a humanitarian catastrophe in Afghanistan is becoming more and more obvious. The world community is looking for ways to provide assistance to the population of this country. At the same time, Russia (the «Moscow format») and Turkey have noticeably stepped up their diplomatic efforts. The article examines the main motives of Ankara, which, according to the author, perceives the problem of Afghanistan not only from the perspective of bilateral relations with it, but also in the broader context of rivalry between the leading states of the Middle East region. The author emphasizes that the Taliban and the Turkish leader RT Erdogan are linked by a common ideological platform – Islamism. At the same time, Erdogan seeks to present himself in the eyes of NATO partners as a mediator between the alliance and the Taliban government.

In Quest of a Second Boom

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
East Region ◽  
Personal Motivation ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Different Parts

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.

Regional and international strategic visions of actors In the Middle East

2019 ◽  
pp. 581
Author(s):  
Mohammed Moazaz Iskandar Al - Hadithi
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
East Region ◽  
Middle East Region

The Middle East region is of great importance in the strategic realization of regional and international actors. Therefore, the hypothesis that the research tries to prove is that the Middle East region is of great strategic importance due to the set of constituents, whether civilizational, economic or geopolitical. The emergence of different strategic visions, whether regional or international actors in the region.

US and Russian policies and strategies in the Middle East: Iraq and Syria as a model

2019 ◽  
pp. 220
Author(s):  
Esraa Aladdin Noori ◽  
Nasser Zain AlAbidine Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Western World ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
East Region ◽  
Middle East Region

The Russian-American relations have undergone many stages of conflict and competition over cooperation that have left their mark on the international balance of power in the Middle East. The Iraqi and Syrian crises are a detailed development in the Middle East region. The Middle East region has allowed some regional and international conflicts to intensify, with the expansion of the geopolitical circle, which, if applied strategically to the Middle East region, covers the area between Afghanistan and East Asia, From the north to the Maghreb to the west and to the Sudan and the Greater Sahara to the south, its strategic importance will seem clear. It is the main lifeline of the Western world.

Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
New Approaches ◽  
East Region ◽  
History Of ◽  
Middle East Region

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.

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