scholarly journals Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Nariman Aliev ◽  
Vadim Mikhailovich Vysotskii ◽  
Andrea Dohnalova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Collaborative Study ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Common Interest ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Global Agenda

The object of this collaborative study is the evolution of Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations since the moment of their establishment in 1995 till the present day. The purpose of the article is to define the main stages of development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Venezuela, detect the potential prospects of their development, denote areas of common interest in the global agenda, and study the source base of bilateral relations. Using the case study method, the authors not only analyze the actions of both parties aimed at the development of bilateral relations, but also predict the official strategy of Baku and Caracas of further advancement of the interstate dialogue. The authors arrive at a conclusion that the geopolitical grounds of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy have been influenced by its defeat in the First Karabakh War (1992 - 1994) and the occupation of 20% of its territory by the Armenian armed forces. In subsequent years, all foreign policy maneuvers of official Baku were reduced to one goal: to restore its territorial integrity. That was the reason for Baku’s aspiration to garner the support of other states. In this direction, the most fruitful one was the work of Azerbaijan diplomacy in Latin American countries including Venezuela. Notably, official Baku and Caracas have similar stands on many issues of global and domestic policy. For Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, close connections with Azerbaijan is an additional proof of his legitimacy in political in-fighting against the opposition. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it is one of the first attempts to analyze Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations from a comprehensive perspective.  

Growing Participation in Peace Operations and Conflict Resolution in Latin American Countries

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Michael Kenkel
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Policy Coordination ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
American States ◽  
The Right ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
Latin American Countries

Latin American states have become major providers of troops for UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) since the early 2000s. MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti), the UN mission in Haiti, 55% of whose troops were from the region, was a major watershed for local security cooperation and PKO contributions. Led by Brazil, these states were able to develop a specific approach to peacebuilding that reflects regional strengths and experiences, rooted in minimizing the use of force and bringing successful domestic development policies to bear abroad. This approach also reflects the common security and intervention culture that underpins policy in the region. Two states in particular have taken on a role as major providers of peacekeeping contingents. Tiny Uruguay, with a population of 3 million people, has maintained over 2,000 troops deployed on UN PKOs (more than 10% of its armed forces) since 2005. While Uruguay’s motivations are mostly economic—UN reimbursements exceed the country’s costs—Brazil’s ascendance as a major peacekeeping provider during MINUSTAH was part of a larger emerging-power foreign policy project. Participating in peacebuilding allowed the country to provide security through actions in the development realm, bridging a key gap in many rising states’ capabilities, and to mount an incipient challenge to the Western-led peacebuilding paradigm. The remaining states of Latin America show considerable diversity in their peacekeeping engagement, with many others sending small or token contributions and some no troops at all. Latin American states’ involvement in PKOs cannot be understood without looking at their interaction with patterns of civil–military relations in the region. In the case of such states, the effect of peacekeeping participation on civil–military relations, while a key point in need of monitoring, has not been decisive, as other factors prevail. Finally, PKOs have served as the locus for a significant increase in policy coordination and cooperation in the defense arena in the region. As the UN moves toward stabilization operations which privilege counterterrorism measures over the peacebuilding paradigm that is a strength of Latin American countries, PKOs may lose attractiveness as a foreign policy avenue in the region. Additionally, the swing to the right in recent elections may serve to reduce the appeal of a practice which came to the fore under previous left-wing governments.

Brazilian Foreign Policy and the Dominican Crisis: The Impact of History and Events

1972 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-77
Author(s):  
Ralph G. Santos
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Santo Domingo ◽  
American Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
American Nation

On May 24, 1965, nearly a month after the first U. S. Marines landed in Santo Domingo, an inter-American military force under the command of a Brazilian general took over peacekeeping activities in the Dominican Republic. Although the first Brazilian contingent to arrive comprised only 300 troops, it later reached a total of 1,250, the largest contribution by a single Latin American nation. While Brazil's participation in the Dominican crisis was a clear indication that the independent foreign policy of Quadros and Goulart had been discarded in favor of a realignment once again with the United States, it also signified an abrupt departure from one of the basic tenets of Brazilian foreign policy—nonintervention. The case study of Brazil's role in the Dominican Republic in 1965 which follows provides a unique opportunity to examine the impact of traditional forces and contemporary events on Brazilian foreign policy at a critical juncture in that nation's history.

scholarly journals Web platform to develop collective intelligence in logistics for Latin American SMEs: the case of SmartLogistiX3.com

Nova Scientia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Gastón Cedillo-Campos
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Collective Intelligence ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Web Based ◽  
World Class ◽  
Web Platform

Even though technological development is rapidly increasing in supply chains, logistics performance in any kind of organizations remains strongly related to a set of human-based skills and competencies. The aim of this article is to expose the design process and implementation of a web platform to develop collective intelligence in logistics for Latin American SMEs. Based on the case study method, it exposes the structure and processes used when programming the web-based platform to develop collective intelligence in logistics. This article presents conclusions that expand the panorama to develop this type de tools in Latin America. Indeed, since the region lacks a satisfactory critical mass of “world class” logistic skills, the IT platforms can play an interesting role for developing a “spot market” of collective intelligence in logistics. This is a first step to improve the value of logistics knowledge in the region, but also to stimulate the movement of logistics knowledge flux beyond the companies’ bounds. Similarly, potential future research lines are presented.

scholarly journals As relações entre Brasil e Cuba: das vantagens econômicas à retração política

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-490
Author(s):  
Regiane Nitsch Bressan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Economic

O trabalho apresenta a evolução da relação bilateral entre Brasil e Cuba entre 2008 e 2016, superando a distância entre os países. A política externa do governo de Lula foi propositiva às relações regionais, fomentou integração latino-americana a partir da CELAC, que inclui Cuba no diálogo regional, e efetuou aproximação política, econômica e ideológica entre os dois países. A política externa de Rousseff sucedeu-se em termos pragmáticos, assegurando ganhos a ambos os países. Entre eles: os investimentos brasileiros na modernização do Porto de Mariel e a construção da Zona Econômica; o crescimento singular do comércio bilateral e instalação de empresas brasileiras na ilha; além da cooperação na área da saúde, o recrutamento de 11.429 médicos para atuarem em áreas carentes do território brasileiro. A densidade e natureza pragmática desta relação foram fundamentais para a consolidação da política entre Brasil e Cuba, mas enfrenta entraves do governo de Michel Temer, cuja política externa é guinada aos países do Norte, sendo possível identificar retrocesso no empenho brasileiro nos projetos regionais, estremecendo as relações com os países latino-americanos, inclusive com Cuba. Palavras-Chaves: Brasil; Cuba; Relações Internacionais; América Latina.       Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the evolution of bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba from 2008 to 2016, overcoming the distance that separates the countries. The foreign policy pursued by the Lula government (2003-2011) focused on strengthening regional relations and promoting Latin American integration through CELAC, which includes Cuba in the regional dialogue, and establishing political, economic and ideological links between the two countries. Rousseff's foreign policy continued on a pragmatic course, ensuring gains for both countries. Examples of this are the Brazilian investments in the Mariel seaport modernisation and Special Economic Zone project, the growth of bilateral trade, and the installation of Brazilian companies on the island. Furthermore, cooperation was established in the health sector, involving the recruitment of 11.429 Cuban physicians to work in underdeveloped regions of Brazil. The density and pragmatic nature of this relationship have been fundamental for the consolidation of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba, but faces the constraints of the recent Temer government, whose foreign policy is more directed to the northern countries and a decrease in Brazil's commitment to regional relations and integration projects can be observed, including those with Cuba. Key words: Brazil; Cuba; International Relations; Latin America.     Recebido em: março/2017 Aprovado em: novembro/2017.

scholarly journals Les sanctions économiques et les petits États : Le cas de la « punition » du Vietnam par le Canada

2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-544
Author(s):  
Kim Richard Nossal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Maker ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Le Canada

The purpose of this paper is to examine this assumption — that size and power makes a difference to the definition of the utility of economic sanctions. It examines as a case study the employment of Canadian sanctions against Vietnam. The paper will argue that this case demonstrates that, for a non-great power, the utility of economic sanctions is rarely limited to the usual objectives attributed to, and derived from the experience of, great power s: exercising power against the 'targef' state or signalling one's power to other states in the system. Instead, it will argue that for a middle power like Canada, the use of sanctions becomes inextricably bound to foreign policy-maker s perceptions of the politics of coalition obligations ; and of the imperatives and constraints of bilateral relations with the major power s.

India and Nepal

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 543-579
Author(s):  
L.S. Baral
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South Asian ◽  
Deep Understanding ◽  
Common Interest ◽  
Asian Region ◽  
The Past ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
South Asian Region

A feeling of unprecedented relaxation and deep understanding seems to prevail among the people in the South Asian region in matters of inter-state relationships. This has opened up prospects for a reduction of irritants in mutual relationships among the countries concerned in this region. While following their own foreign-policy objectives the leaders of the various countries are visibly anxious to make efforts, as neighbours should, to improve bilateral relations by dispelling the mist of tension created by misunderstanding, misconception, and mistrust regarding one another in the past. This in its turn has strengthened the hope that the hostility manifested by the leaders of the various countries in dealing with one another in the past would be replaced by a cool and sober stock-taking of the changing national or international situation and that there would be cordiality not only in the conduct of bilateral relations on a reasonable and perfectly reciprocal basis but also in the implementation of joint or multilateral co-operative enterprises in areas of common interest for the all-round development of the region. The policy followed by the Janata Government in India, particularly in regard to its immediate neighbours, since its assumption of power in 1977 is a promising start in that direction.

scholarly journals CASE STUDY OF CONGENITAL ANOMALIES OF THE UPPER LIMB IN REFERENCE AMBULATORY CARE FACILITY

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 325-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrique de Barros Pinto Netto ◽  
Antônio Pedro Pais ◽  
Simone Costa Vitorio ◽  
Renata Brandão ◽  
Aline Aparecida Depianti Moreira ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Congenital Anomalies ◽  
Collaborative Study ◽  
Care Facility ◽  
Hand Surgery ◽  
Incidence Rates ◽  
Level Of Evidence ◽  
Epidemiological Profile ◽  
Surgery Department

ABSTRACT Objective: The epidemiological profile of congenital anomalies of the upper limbs (CAULs) is of major relevance to monitoring and planning. A study of this profile may reveal if there is prevalence of some specific type of malformation in comparison to a more comprehensive epidemiological sample. The Latin American Collaborative Study of Congenital Malformations (ECLAMC) has an extensive database, providing an excellent source of comparison. This study aims to evaluate the epidemiological profile of CAULs at the hand surgery department of the Hospital Federal da Lagoa (HFL) in Brazil, and compare it to the ECLAMC data. Methods: We conducted a retrospective analysis of patients who underwent treatment at the pediatric outpatient hand surgery clinic. The sample universe consisted of 126 patients (4 of these patients presented with 2 simultaneous anomalies), totaling 130 malformations. Results: The results demonstrated that the comparable pathologies have significantly similar incidence rates. It is worth noting the polydactylies (pre- and post-axial), where the percentile of incidence in the ECLAMC was higher. Conclusion: This study showed that the epidemiological profile of patients who underwent treatment at this hospital was equivalent to that found in the ECLAMC database. Level of evidence III, Retrospective epidemiological study.

Latin American Militarylore: An Introduction and a Case Study

1979 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick M. Nunn
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Research Tool ◽  
General Introduction ◽  
Army Officer ◽  
The Military ◽  
Chilean Army

This essay deals with the lore of the military profession in Latin America in two ways. First, it presents a general introduction to militarylore, its applications to the study of military-civilian relations and its limitations as a research tool. Second, it presents an application (with obvious limitations) of concepts discussed in part I to a case study, part II: the lore of the Chilean Army officer class in the twentieth century. I am convinced that militarylore as defined and discussed herein is an especially fertile field for research in the study of the interaction between the armed forces and state, nation and society.Terminology used in the following pages is for the most part selfexplanatory and free from neologisms, jargon and “sociologese.” There are, though, some terms which merit clarification, not because of their vagueness, but so that they not be confused with similar terms. There is, I believe, a decreasing tendency to generalize about military-civilian relations; clarity is important.

scholarly journals International Legitimization of Russian Foreign Policy Actions in the Context of the Ukrainian and Syrian Conflicts: the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ Conception

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asiyat Tarchokova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Action ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Post Soviet Space

Introduction. The complexity of foreign policy actions’ international legitimization is determined by the use of unilateral approach in the new environment of world political processes. Due to Russian foreign policy’s intensification, the issue of international legitimization of its foreign policy actions has expanded and deepened in the post-Soviet space and beyond: it is obvious in practice, but not conceptualized at the theoretical level. Methods. It seems to be of utmost importance to consider the problem in the context of the recent most pressing events – the Ukrainian and Syrian conflicts, using the case-study method as well as through the perceptualhermeneutic analysis of foreign policy actions. Analysis. The need to do research in legitimization as a process of justification and achievement of a foreign policy position’s recognition is obvious. It is necessary to highlight the reasons for the ineffectiveness of Russian foreign policy actions’ justification instruments and legitimization policy. Results. The assessment and conceptualization of existing legal and political concepts is particularly important to build an international legitimization foreign policy strategy. The implementation of foreign policy action should be accompanied by the transfer of basic foreign policy values and interests, combining legal, political, and moral grounds. The improvement of the international legitimization mechanism, its tools’ rapid revitalization and operating flexibility can give Russia an indisputable advantage over other actors and allow it to ensure the necessary result for the foreign policy strategy and strengthen its positioning in the international environment.

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