scholarly journals The Past and Future of the European Union Internal Market - Visegrad Group Perspective

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia RUČINSKÁ ◽  
Miroslav FEČKO
2001 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Petter Asp

During the past nine years, co-operation in criminal matters within the European Union has developed in a rather fascinating way. Before the Maastricht Treaty, which entered into force in 1993, there was not much co-operation in this area at all.During the time before Maastricht, the focus was on the creation of the internal market, on the rules on competition etc. and criminal law did not fall within the scope of the Treaties. Thus, although Community law had (and has) some implications for national criminal law and despite the fact that some conventions were agreed upon within the European Political Co-operation one cannot really say that criminal law questions were formally on the agenda before Maastricht.


Author(s):  
Edoardo Chiti

The European Union (EU) ‘agencification’ process is a story of success. European agencies are relied on in an ever-wider variety of sectors, ranging from the internal market to economic and social regulation. Over the past two decades, they have acquired increasing practical importance, both as an institutional phenomenon and as a method of policy delivery. Unsurprisingly, their functional and normative significance has become central in the institutional discourse and has caught the attention of European legal scholars.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (54) ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Ušiak ◽  
◽  
Dominika Trubenová ◽  

Europe has undergone various security changes in the past and needs to prepare itself for managing the present and future security challenges appearing on the horizon. Within Central Europe, we can see a significant change in its security orientation and a gradual development by continuous involvement in security initiatives such as the current EU-led PESCO. This article aims to show the present Visegrad Group (V4) interest in maintaining an autonomous European security, as well as to analyse the current possibilities and security capabilities of Central European countries. The V4 countries are an important part of NATO and the European Union, even though they are small to medium-sized countries with limited security capabilities. Participation in the creation of collective security under NATO has a stable, several-year position in the countries, but the European Union is on the rise in its security agenda, and that is assumed by the V4 countries with its participation in EU initiatives such as PESCO and the integrated involvement of the V4 in ongoing military projects.


2001 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Petter Asp

During the past nine years, co-operation in criminal matters within the European Union has developed in a rather fascinating way. Before the Maastricht Treaty, which entered into force in 1993, there was not much co-operation in this area at all. During the time before Maastricht, the focus was on the creation of the internal market, on the rules on competition etc. and criminal law did not fall within the scope of the Treaties. Thus, although Community law had (and has) some implications for national criminal law and despite the fact that some conventions were agreed upon within the European Political Co-operation one cannot really say that criminal law questions were formally on the agenda before Maastricht.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  

The article provides an overview of the evolution of the idea of The Three Seas from its beginnings till the 2021 summit. According to the author, one of the impulses to its creation was the global confrontation that arose after the events of 2014 in Ukraine. This is felt notwithstanding the fact that this country is not yet a member of the project that celebrated its fifth anniversary in 2021. Today, this idea of uniting States in the space from the Baltic to the Black and Adriatic Seas, as well as when it originated, is actively supported by USA. In addition, the author shows how the attitude towards this program on the part of Germany and the European Union has changed significantly over the past six years. In fact, during this time, from Poland's attempt to realize its historical Central European ambitions, the initiative has transformed into a prototype of a new Central Europe, as an integral part of the Transatlantic community. In addition to the stages of development, the author examines the problem of the functionality of the new association, as well as its competitiveness with other regional entities, such as the Visegrad Group, the Central European Initiative, Slavkov Interaction, Chinese 17+1 initiative, etc. As a result, she comes to the conclusion that each of these structures, being an expression of the historical desire of the peoples of the region for rapprochement and finding a new role in Europe and the World, plays its own party and can compensate for the others, depending on the world situation.


Moreana ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (Number 176) (1) ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Bernard Bourdin

The legacy from Christianity unquestionably lies at the root of Europe, even if not exclusively. It has taken many aspects from the Middle Ages to modern times. If the Christian heritage is diversely understood and accepted within the European Union, the reason is essentially due to its political and religious significance. However, its impact in politics and religion has often been far from negative, if we will consider what secular societies have derived from Christianity: human rights, for example, and a religious affiliation which has been part and parcel of national identity. The Christian legacy has to be acknowledged through a critical analysis which does not deny the truth of the past but should support a European project built around common values.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cécile Mathou ◽  
Jin Yan

Abstract The objective of this study was to provide comprehensive information about student and academic staff mobility between the European Union (EU) and China as well as the main strategies and policies in place to promote mobility. Based on quantitative and qualitative data provided by national authorities and various stakeholders consulted throughout the research process, the study aimed at taking stock of the situation and identifying trends regarding EU-China learning mobility over the past ten years. It also aimed at drawing recommendations to improve current and future mobility actions between the two regions.


Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

European Union Law uses a distinctive three-part structure to examine the constitutional foundations, legal powers, and substantive law of the European Union. This third edition includes an updated dedicated chapter on the past, present, and future of Brexit. Part I looks at the constitutional foundations including a constitutional history and an examination of the governmental structure of the European Union. Part II looks at governmental powers. It covers legislative, external, executive, judicial, and limiting powers. The final part considers substantive law. It starts off by examining the free movement of goods, services, and persons. It then turns to competition law and finally ends with an analysis of internal and external policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brosius ◽  
Erika J van Elsas ◽  
Claes H de Vreese

Over the past decade, the European Union has lost the trust of many citizens. This article investigates whether and how media information, in particular visibility and tonality, impact trust in the European Union among citizens. Combining content analysis and Eurobarometer survey data from 10 countries between 2004 and 2015, we study both direct and moderating media effects. Media tone and visibility have limited direct effects on trust in the European Union, but they moderate the relation between trust in national institutions and trust in the European Union. This relation is amplified when the European Union is more visible in the media and when media tone is more positive towards the European Union, whereas it is dampened when media tone is more negative. The findings highlight the role of news media in the crisis of trust in the European Union.


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