scholarly journals INDIGENOUS MOVEMENTS OF ECUADOR: between collective action and connective action

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-117
Author(s):  
Alex Hernán Mullo López ◽  
Johana Maribel Balseca Mera ◽  
Ricardo Francisco Ureña López
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512092648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascal Lupien

Indigenous peoples remain among the most marginalized population groups in the Americas. The decline of the Indigenous protest cycle in Latin America by the mid-2000s meant that research on collective action turned elsewhere just as the use of social media was becoming more prominent in the tactical repertoire of collective action, and we know little about how Indigenous groups have adapted new technologies for the purpose of civic engagement. If social media has begun to take the place of disruptive action (the most effective tactics in the 1990s according to Indigenous leaders), if personalized action is replacing collective identity (a strength of the Indigenous movements in the 1980s–1990s) and if their access to technology is limited, what does this mean for the ability of Indigenous communities to pursue their claims? Based on 2 years of fieldwork, this article addresses this question from the perspective of Indigenous organizations in three Latin American countries, Bolivia, Chile, and Ecuador. We find that some Indigenous organizations have benefited from the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in terms of enhanced communication, access to information, visibility, interest promotion, and commercialization of products and services. At this point in time, however, it appears that the disadvantages outweigh the benefits.


2020 ◽  
pp. 285-301
Author(s):  
Cristina Flesher Fominaya

Chapter 12, “15-M Political Culture, Collective Identity, and the Logic of Autonomous Networks in the Digital Age,” argues that, against all odds, autonomous networking logics can build and sustain strong movements in the absence of formal professionalized organizational structures and strong leadership, and across heterogeneous issues and identities. It explores the synergies and tensions within 15-M political culture, and shows how they act as a corrective to some of the key challenges faced by autonomous movements. Contra “connective action” theses, the chapter shows how collective action logics continue to fuel autonomous networks in the digital age.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089331892110326
Author(s):  
Shiv Ganesh ◽  
Cynthia Stohl ◽  
Young Ji Kim

The contemporary communication landscape enables individuals to connect and engage with collective action efforts in multifaceted and ambiguous ways. This complexity makes membership in collective action groups particularly intriguing and important because of its pivotal role as a mechanism that connects individual behavior to group, organizational, and societal dynamics. This study seeks to examine the spread of membership types in the digital environment and explores how different kinds of prompts for collective action are associated with particular types of membership groups. Through a survey of participants on a popular global digital platform for collective decision-making, we found evidence of a broad range of membership types in the digital space, associated with particular prompts calling for action. The results suggest that there is a strong relationship between membership type and participatory styles of individuals. Implications of the results are discussed.


Author(s):  
Bernard Enjolras ◽  
Ivar Eimhjellen

This chapter introduces the book’s main topics and analytical frame. With the development of societal meta-processes of change such as digitalization, individualization and globalization, the condition of collective action are under transformation. The main question, addressed by this book, is whether a new form of collective action – connective action – can be empirically identified when looking at the late developments in Norway. The need for formal organizations and selective incentives has been emphasized as a solution to the “collective action problem”. Digitalization, by enabling “organizing without organizations” is expected to enhance new forms of collective action that are more individualized and do not require formal organizations. Additionally, since digital networks cross territorial boundaries, collective action is expected to take a transnational character. With such a backdrop, the contributions assembled in this book, based on extensive empirical investigations, examine the extent to which digitalization transforms civic engagement, whether the boundary between volunteerism and political activism are becoming increasingly blurred, whether new organizing forms are emerging in the wake of digitalization, and whether it is possible to identify new forms of transnational collective action. Taken together, the contributions to this book do not support the emergence of a new form of collective action. On the contrary, in spite of the transformations affecting the forms of collective action and civic engagement, the empirical evidence emphasize the continued importance of the infrastructure constituted of civil society organizations for supporting collective action.


2017 ◽  
Vol 225 (4) ◽  
pp. 336-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacquelien van Stekelenburg ◽  
Bert Klandermans

Abstract. “Twitter protests” and “Facebook revolutions” imbue the coverage of contentious politics in news media and academic outlets alike. As long as such protests are not compared to conventional mobilized events it is hard to ascertain the supposed differences between connective and collective action. We report a study that does just that: we examine if it makes a difference whether people are recruited through self-organized rather than organization-centered routes. We surveyed participants and nonparticipants in both actions (N = 319), asking who participated in the respective action, how they were mobilized, and why they participated. Results reveal that in some ways the recruitment route does make a difference, while in others it doesn’t. Recruits of connective action were lower educated, felt politically efficacious, and mainly mobilized via informal (virtual) mobilizing channels, while recruits of collective action were highly educated, politically interested, and mainly mobilized via formal mobilizing channels. Social embeddedness played a crucial role in both campaigns, but more so in self-organized actions: approving networks increase the chances of being asked, influenced, and motivated by significant others, while disapproving milieus decrease the chance of being asked, influenced, and motivated by others. Approving networks thus expand informal mobilization, the more so for self-organized connective action.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146144482094384
Author(s):  
Ali Khalil ◽  
Leysan Khakimova Storie

This article explored the use of social media and mobile communication by women in Saudi Arabia who campaigned for the right to drive from 1990. Due to the globally unique ban on women driving in the Kingdom, females always needed a male driver to transport them. The Saudi government announced in September 2017 that women would be allowed to drive from June 2018. Using the theory of connective action, the article explored the role of social media in the movement for the right to drive, and looked at how activists used digital media platforms to get their messages across to the Saudi publics and the international community. Findings showed that both connective action and collective action offer tactics that can complement each other in an online movement. In addition, results offer in-depth insights about the role of identity in online movements. Threats to and limitations of online movements are also discussed.


Sociologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 405-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelisaveta Petrovic ◽  
Dalibor Petrovic

The aim of this paper is to examine the organizational background of the protests ?Against dictatorship? that took place in several Serbian towns, in the spring of 2017. The absence of the official organizers and the role social networking sites played in terms of communication, organization and coordination of the protest events, raises the following question: Could the protest ?Against dictatorship? be considered as an example of a digitally enabled ?connective? action? According to the ?connective action? approach (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012, 2013), in the information society a new ?connective? form of collective action is emerging as a result of personalization of political action that occurs within new sociotechnological environment. Connective action is enabled by innovative technological opportunities for individual participation in collective ventures and supported by the role that ICTs play as ?stitching? and organizing agents of collective action. In such circumstances, conventional social movement organizations and solid collective identities seem to become far less necessary. The analysis of the data collected in the field (N = 175) and in the online survey of the experiences and attitudes towards the protest (N=225), leads to the conclusion that the organizational background of the protest ?Against dictatorship? is closest to the ideal-type of ?self-organized network?, as one of the two basic models of connective action. In the concluding part of this paper, the authors argue that the ?connective action? model is adequate for the interpretation of the emergence of the digitally mediated protests. However, with the transformation of protests into more solid and stable forms of collective action, this model loses its explanatory power.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


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