The Evolved Security Dynamics of South Asia: Challenges to Pakistan’s Nuclear Threshold

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Summer 2020) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Haris Bilal Malik ◽  
Muhammad Abbas Hassan

The longstanding unresolved issue of Kashmir serves as a nuclear flashpoint between India and Pakistan. Since 2019, the prevalent security environment of the region has dominated the discourse surrounding the regional and global security architecture. India’s policies during the Pulwama-Balakot crisis and the revocation of Kashmir’s constitutional status demonstrate the country’s intentions of dominating the escalation ladder in the region and marginalizing the muslim community of Kashmir. Because of the conventional disparity in South Asia where India is big interms of size, economy and military build-up, Pakistan has been further threatened by India’s aggressive policies and provocative military modernization. Consequently, Pakistan may be compelled to further revisit its nuclear threshold level to overcome India’s aggression.

Author(s):  
Shaza Arif

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a breakthrough technology which is astonishingly impressive. Major world powers are rapidly integrating AI in their military doctrines. This trend of militarization of AI can be seen in the South Asian region as well. Following the theoretical approach of offensive realism, China and India are in full swing to revolutionize their militaries with this emerging trend in order to accumulate maximum power and to satisfy their various interests. Consequently, Indian military modernization has the potential to provoke Pakistan to take counter measures. Pakistan is already encountering a number of challenges in economic sector and will face the strenuous task of accommodating a handsome financial share for the development of its AI capabilities. South Asia is a very turbulent region characterized by arch rivals who are also nuclear powers and have repeatedly indulged in various crises over the years. Introduction of AI in South Asia will have significant repercussions as it will trigger an arms race and at the same time disturb the strategic balance in the region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-124
Author(s):  
Arshad Alam

Syed Ahmed Khan is understood as the harbinger of modern education amongst Muslims of South Asia. There is a general scholarly consensus that it was through his educational efforts that English medium education came to Muslims who were otherwise aligned with traditional religious education. The commentary argues that this consensus needs revision and that Muslims were already accessing modern education through the English medium even before Syed Ahmed started his college at Aligarh. Moreover, the commentary also problematizes the notion of Muslim community within Syed Ahmed’s thought. Through his writings and speeches, it is pointed out that for Syed Ahmed, the notion of Muslim community was confined to upper caste Muslims called the Ashrafs. Also, Syed Ahmed’s views were extremely regressive when it came to women’s education. Despite Aligarh being a modern university which is accessible to all castes and gender, Syed Ahmed’s legacy has not been critically analysed. The commentary is a small start in this direction


Author(s):  
Stephen Emerson ◽  
Hussein Solomon

Africa is a security environment fraught with many dangers, but one too that presents great opportunities for addressing the most pressing global—and not just African—challenges. With more than its share of fragile, unstable states, impoverished societies, and endemic conflict, the continent was once seen almost exclusively as an incubator of instability and insecurity; a venue for addressing rising challenges and an exporter of global security threats. But this is no longer the case. Africa, like everywhere else in the world, is becoming increasingly integrated into a globalized security system, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa—and what happens there—matters more than ever. Simply ignoring it and hoping for the best through a policy of containment and isolation is not a viable option in today’s globalized and interdependent world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 573-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhexin Zhang

Facing increasing challenges to regional peace and stability, yet feeling isolated in several key security mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific, China has been taking active measures to improve its security environment and to foster a new regional security architecture based on the “New Asian Security Concept,” in order to achieve a lasting and commonly beneficial collective security order in the region. Though no official blueprint has been established by the Chinese government, one can expect China to push forward an all-inclusive and comprehensive platform as the core of the new architecture which features collective security driven by major powers based on their consulted consensus. Yet China will not seek to build a completely new Asia-Pacific security architecture to replace the old one. Instead, it is taking a pragmatic and incremental approach to shape the necessary environment for the evolution of the old architecture into a more inclusive and balanced one. If Sino-U.S. relations can be well managed and China continues to project its growing power in a refrained and contributive way to provide more public goods for regional peace and development, then it is hopeful that a new regional security architecture will take shape in the coming decades.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Paul Kapur

The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.


Daedalus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 145 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Robert Kehler

While nuclear weapons were conceived to end a war, in the aftermath of their operational use at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, they became the central (and controversial) means to prevent a war. Nuclear deterrence formed the foundation of U.S. Cold War doctrine and the basis of an extended security guarantee to our allies. But the Cold War ended one-quarter century ago, and questions about the efficacy of deterrence, the need for nuclear weapons, and the ethics surrounding them have resurfaced as some call for further major reductions in inventory or the complete elimination of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. Discussed from the perspective of a military practitioner, this essay highlights the continuing need for U.S. nuclear weapons in a global security environment that is highly complex and uncertain, and describes the means by which the credibility of the nuclear portion of the strategic deterrent is being preserved even as the role and prominence of these weapons have been reduced.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 1398-1428 ◽  
Author(s):  
ADIL HUSSAIN KHAN

AbstractThis paper looks at Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's political involvement in the Kashmir crisis of the 1930s under its second and most influentialkhalīfat al-masīh, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, who took over the movement in 1914, six years after the death of his father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Communal tensions springing from the Kashmir riots of 1931 provided Mirza Mahmud Ahmad with an opportunity to display the ability of his Jama'at to manage an international crisis and to lead the Muslim mainstream towards independence from Britain. Mahmud Ahmad's relations with influential Muslim community leaders, such as Iqbal, Fazl-i Husain, Zafrulla Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah (Sher-i Kashmīr), enabled him to further both his religious and political objectives in the subcontinent. This paper examines Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's role in establishing a major political lobby, the All-India Kashmir Committee. It also shows how the political involvement of Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya in Kashmir during the 1930s left Ahmadis susceptible to criticism from opposition groups, like the Majlis-i Ahrar, amongst others, in later years. Ultimately, this paper will demonstrate how Mahmud Ahmad's skilful use of religion, publicity, and political activism during the Kashmir crisis instantly legitimized a political platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's entrance into the mainstream political framework of modern South Asia, which thereby has facilitated the development of the Ahmadi controversy since India's partition.


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