scholarly journals The impact of Albanian schools in the Nation-building process

Author(s):  
Lulzim Hoxha

Education is often perceived as an individual will of citizens to become part of the social edifice, in which they learn the history of their ancestors and their country despite of the political sphere. In this paper I’ll try to argue that not only education isn’t an independent category of knowledge, but also that the whole process of learning is marked and shaped by a given political goal, namely the construction of a solid social space which defines our political identity as members of a community. A further study of the historical contexts in which education gave birth to a unified social community will give an answer to the issue if education is a field deprived of any political argument but only objective truths, or if this field performs specific functions to unify a functionally divided society and its mission comes from outside the education system. This issue will be treated through a comparative analysis between two opposite scholars of nationalism such as Isa Blumi and Denisa Kostovicova. Firstly I’ll try to argue the impact of schools and mass education on the construction of national myths from the perspective of the contemporary theories of nationalism which will be explained in the discussion between the primordialist (learning has always existed and it contains historical truths despite of the political sphere with the final mission of nationally promoting mother tongue) and the instrumentalist (learning is shaped as a political instrument with a specific function) viewpoint.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Ong Argo Victoria

This paper examines the political history of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore, focusing on the notion of citizenship and its ethnic, civic and political dimensions. It analyses the extent to which the merger of Singapore with Malaysia redefined the citizenship boundaries of the Malaysian national political identity. The incorporation of Singaporean citizens into the Malaysian political community was controversial, as it was closely related to electoral stakes. The ruling People’s Action Party and the Alliance Party attempted to delineate the political sphere of the population of each political unit through the demarcation between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’. However, the citizenship crisis continued to trouble the relationship of these states to the point that both parties breached the perceived agreement not to interfere with the other’s political sphere of influence. This sphere of influence was delineated on the basis of race, thus cutting across political territory rather than territorial attributes. The ideological clashes over the meaning of citizenship that arose during the political merger of Singapore and Malaya, show that a truly Malaysian citizenship could not be developed-only a Malaysia of citizens.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 129-149
Author(s):  
Xavier Lafrance ◽  
Alan Sears

Daniel Bensaïd was prominent among the revolutionary thinkers and activists who emerged from the mass insurgency of the 1960s, a period in which anti-capitalist organisers had genuine social weight grounded in connections to broad layers of the working class and radical movements. As the neoliberal offensive developed, working-class and allied movements experienced crucial defeats that marginalised anti-capitalist theory and practice. Bensaïd developed a unique theoretical analysis of radical mobilising during the neoliberal period, at once grounded in the history of revolutionary organising and audaciously open-ended in assessing the impact of capitalist restructuring and the employers’ offensive. The basis of his theoretical renewal lay in a new approach to understanding temporality that undercut any sense of socialist inevitability, and a commitment to revolutionary pluralism that was crucially located in the political sphere.


Author(s):  
Kristin A. Hancock ◽  
Douglas C. Haldeman

Psychology’s understanding of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people has evolved, become more refined, and impacted the lives of LGB people in profound ways. This chapter traces the history of LGB psychology from the nineteenth century to the present and focuses on major events and the intersections of theory, psychological science, politics, and activism in the history of this field. It explores various facets of cultural and psychological history that include the pathologizing of homosexuality, the rise of psychological science and the political movements in the mid-twentieth century, and the major shifts in policy that ensued. The toll of the AIDS epidemic on the field is discussed as is the impact of psychological research on national and international policy and legislation.


Author(s):  
Adebowale Adeyemi-Suenu

The use of terror as a ratio for resolving internal fundamental differences is not uncommon in neo-colonial societies. This is not saying that flashes of same are not recogn ised in the developed environment. The prevalence of this alternative appears as old as the political history of Nigeria. This work underscores the theoretical and historical basis of rebellion in Nigeria primarily focusing on the rise, fundamental philosophy and the vision of the Boko Haramists. The central thesis of this work is that Boko Haram activities have negative effects on Nigeria’s external image and fundamentally, it exposes the nature and dynamics of Nigeria’s security problems. The work contributes in part to the literature on this issue but significantly, it situates the problems within strategic logic which amplifies the degeneration of the problems and the incessant rebellion against the Nigerian State.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonia Schurig

In order to calculate the unintended consequences of their policies, governments conduct comprehensive assessments of the impact of legislation. In doing so, they have independent expert committees monitor them on an increasingly frequent basis. However, in what ways do these committees have an influence in this respect? And what role do they play as policy advisors in terms of dismantling bureaucracy and better legislation? This book provides new insights into the history of the development of the three most experienced supervisory bodies in Europe and the reality of how they conduct themselves. Against the backdrop of various administrative cultures, the book presents the following types of supervisory committees in detail: ‘watchdog’, ‘gatekeeper’ and ‘critical friend’. Its findings intensify the political and academic debate on the performance and efficiency of supervisory bodies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-125
Author(s):  
Anton Andreev ◽  
◽  
Daria Pravdiuk

The activities of the Third (Communist) International left a noticeable mark on the political history of Latin America. His ideological, organizational legacy remains a factor in shaping the theory and practice of contemporary leftist governments in the region. This article examines the impact of the legacy of the Comintern on international processes in Latin America, the development of integration projects, foreign policy projects of the left forces of the region. On the basis of archival documents, media materials, documents of parties and governments, the authors show which of the foreign policy guidelines of the Comintern are relevant for the region in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Tüge T. Gülşen

This chapter explores the political potential of social media widely used as a means of communication by Turkish young people and examines how they perceive social media as alternative social environments, where they can manifest their political identities. In addition, the study conducted aims at understanding whether the political situation in Turkey before the “Resistanbul” events, beginning toward the end of May 2013, created fear among young people that could cause them to hesitate to express their political thoughts or feel the need to veil their political identities. The results of the survey reveals that Turkish young people, despite having a high sense of freedom, tend to be politically disengaged in social media, and they seem to be hesitant to reveal their political identities in this alternative democratic social space, but they do not mind “others” manifesting their political identities.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Cohen

This chapter investigates the idea of the 'Jewish contribution' that was borne on Jews, non-Jews, and the interaction between them in modern times, from the seventeenth century to the present. It determines what role 'Jewish contribution' has played in 'Jewish self-definition' and how it has influenced the political, social, and cultural history of the Jews. It also discusses the biblical heritage that Jews, Christians, and Muslims share that highlights the people of the book and the impact of biblical monotheism on the history of religions. The chapter looks at the survival of the Jews as a distinct ethnic group and a multinational religious community that wrestles with the phenomenon to understand the reasons for their survival. It mentions the tragedy of the Nazi Holocaust and the re-establishment of the Jewish state in its wake that piqued the curiosity of the world.


Author(s):  
David Paternotte ◽  
Massimo Prearo

Four moments can be identified in the development of LGBT activism in France: the tensions between private actions and acting publicly (1954–1974), the movement as an activist project (1974–1989), the first attempts of institutionalization (1989–1994), and the emergence of a space of LGBT activism (1994–2013). These moments are identified based on the nature of the collective action, the internal structure of the movement, the representativeness of national collectives, and the political plurality of the community of the LGBT movement. They show the nonlinear trajectory of the LGBT movement in France and confirm that the project of an LGBT movement, a structured and representative national organization, has never been fully achieved in the country. Two characteristics of the French political and social system contribute to explain this situation: a strong and inaccessible state that transcends civil society, and the impact of Republicanism. The closure of the French state, which restricts the opportunities available to activists, has had a significant impact on activism. It not only contributes to the individualization of protest, but also leads to a radicalization of activism, a limited duration of groups over time, and a lack of centralization, institutionalization, and NGOization of social movement organizations. This closure partly results from the Republicanist ideology, which requires the state to transcend civil society groups and the particular interests they would defend in favor of so-called general will. If the development of Republican ideas has historically facilitated the development of LGBT rights, Republicanism has more recently prevented LGBT activists from articulating a specific political identity.


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