scholarly journals Feminist Politics in the Age of Recognition: A Two-Dimensional Approach to Gender Justice

2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Full Range ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Socialist Feminism ◽  
Feminist Theories ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Identity And Difference ◽  
Cultural Turn

In the course of the last thirty years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively “post-Marxist”culture- and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double-edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity, and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving to less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. I aim to resist that trend. In this essay, I propose an analysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as those rooted in the cultural turn. I also propose a correspondingly broad conception of justice, capable of encompassing both distribution and recognition, and a non-identitarian account of recognition, capable of synergizing with redistribution. I conclude by examining some practical problems that arise when we try to envision institutional reforms that could redress gender maldistribution and gender misrecognition simultaneously.

Recognition without Ethics?

2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 21-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Full Range ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Socialist Feminism ◽  
Feminist Theories ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Identity And Difference ◽  
Cultural Turn

In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as those rooted in the cultural turn. I also propose a correspondingly broad conception of justice, capable of encompassing both distribution and recognition, and a non-identitarian account of recognition, capable of synergizing with redistribution. I conclude by examining some practical problems that arise when we try to envision institutional reforms that could redress gender maldistribution and gender misrecognition simultaneously.

Recognition and the Politics of Human(e) Desire

2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 57-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Majid Yar
Keyword(s):  
Full Range ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Feminist Theories ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Identity And Difference ◽  
Cultural Turn

In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ cultureand identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialistfeminism as well as those rooted in the cultural turn. I also propose a correspondingly broad conception of justice, capable of encompassing both distribution and recognition, and a non-identitarian account of recognition, capable of synergizing with redistribution. I conclude by examining some practical problems that arise when we try to envision institutional reforms that could redress gender maldistribution and gender misrecognition simultaneously.

“Femininity without Feminism”

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soo-Hyun Mun
Keyword(s):  
Gender Identity ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Gender Politics ◽  
Unintended Consequences ◽  
The Other ◽  
Korean Society ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The One ◽  
Status Of Women

This article contributes to the debate between the merits of the ‘politics of presence’ versus the ‘politics of ideas’ by examining the case of the first female Korean president, Park Geun-Hye. On the one hand, Park did not represent ‘the ideas’ of feminist politics. While her gender identity was widely propagated and accepted, it did not transform into deliberate identity-based politics. On the other hand, she contributed to the elevation of women’s social status through various unintended consequences, although Park’s ‘femininity without feminism’ inevitably led to the negligence of gender politics in her government. Indeed, Park’s existence, rather than her intention, stimulated the debate on the role and status of women in Korean society and enabled the rise of a number of first females in various sectors. In sum, the ‘politics of presence’ was triggered even without overt political measures.

scholarly journals Trans* Politics and the Feminist Project: Revisiting the Politics of Recognition to Resolve Impasses

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-320
Author(s):  
Zara Saeidzadeh ◽  
Sofia Strid
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Selection Of

The debates on, in, and between feminist and trans* movements have been politically intense at best and aggressively hostile at worst. The key contestations have revolved around three issues: First, the question of who constitutes a woman; second, what constitute feminist interests; and third, how trans* politics intersects with feminist politics. Despite decades of debates and scholarship, these impasses remain unbroken. In this article, our aim is to work out a way through these impasses. We argue that all three types of contestations are deeply invested in notions of identity, and therefore dealt with in an identitarian way. This has not been constructive in resolving the antagonistic relationship between the trans* movement and feminism. We aim to disentangle the antagonism within anti-trans* feminist politics on the one hand, and trans* politics’ responses to that antagonism on the other. In so doing, we argue for a politics of<em> </em>status-based recognition (drawing on Fraser, 2000a, 2000b) instead of identity-based recognition, highlighting individuals’ specific needs in society rather than women’s common interests (drawing on Jónasdóttir, 1991), and conceptualising the intersections of the trans* movement and feminism as mutually shaping rather than as trans* as additive to the feminist project (drawing on Walby, 2007, and Walby, Armstrong, and Strid, 2012). We do this by analysing the main contemporary scholarly debates on the relationship between the trans* movement and feminism within feminist and trans* politics. Unafraid of a polemic approach, our selection of material is strategic and illuminates the specific arguments put forward in the article.

Research in Mental Health: Social Etiology versus Social Consequences

2005 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol S. Aneshensel
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Full Range ◽  
Specific Model ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Gender Stratification ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Arrangements ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact

This article differentiates a social etiology model focused on identifying the social antecedents of one particular mental disorder from a social consequences model concerned with the overall mental health consequences of various social arrangements. In the social etiology model, people with disorders other than the one particular disorder singled out for investigation are implicitly classified as “well.” This disorder-specific model is inappropriate for the more general sociological task of identifying the consequences of various social arrangements, such as concentrated poverty, racial segregation, and gender stratification. It is problematic because these consequences are typically nonspecific, not limited to one particular disorder. From this perspective, persons classified as “well” in the disorder-specific model who have a different disorder are misclassified. Consequently, the impact of social arrangements is underestimated, and estimates of causal effects are biased. To address these problems, the full range of theoretically derived mental health outcomes needs to be simultaneously analyzed.

Internet usage patterns and gender differences: a decision tree approach

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dijana Kovacevic ◽  
Ljiljana Kascelan
Keyword(s):  
Decision Tree ◽  
Internet Usage ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Modified Model ◽  
Explanatory Variables ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Usage Patterns ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Web Developers

<p> </p> <p>the present study deals with a more detailed, and updated, modified model that allows for the identification of internet usage patterns by gender. The model was modified due to the development of the internet and new access models, on the one hand, and to the fact that previous studies mainly focuses on various individual (non-interactive) influences of certain factors, on the other.</p> <i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup> <p>The Decision Tree (DT) method, which is used in our study, does not require a pre-defined underlying relationship. In addition, the method allows a great many explanatory variables to be processed and the most important variables are easy to identify. </p><p>Obtained results can serve as to web developers and designers, since by indicating the differences between male and female internet users in terms of their behaviour on the internet it can help in deciding when, where and how to address and appeal to which section of the user base. It is especially important to know their online preferences in order to enable the adequate and targeted placement of information, actions or products and services for the intended target groups.</p><p> <b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><br></p>

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Colm Hogan
Keyword(s):  
Queer Theory ◽  
Social Constructionism ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sexual Identities ◽  
The Third ◽  
Sexuality And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Sexual Part ◽  
The One ◽  
And Behavior

The introduction first sets out some preliminary definitions of sex, sexuality, and gender. It then turns from the sexual part of Sexual Identities to the identity part. A great deal of confusion results from failing to distinguish between identity in the sense of a category with which one identifies (categorial identity) and identity in the sense of a set of patterns that characterize one’s cognition, emotion, and behavior (practical identity). The second section gives a brief summary of this difference. The third and fourth sections sketch the relation of the book to social constructionism and queer theory, on the one hand, and evolutionary-cognitive approaches to sex, sexuality, and gender, on the other. The fifth section outlines the value of literature in not only illustrating, but advancing a research program in sex, sexuality, and gender identity. Finally, the introduction provides an overview of the chapters in this volume.

scholarly journals Towards a Kenotic Identity Politics: Migration, Transformation and the Eucharist

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 380
Author(s):  
Matthew John Paul Tan
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Other ◽  
Body Of Christ ◽  
Eucharistic Theology ◽  
Critical Tradition ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Massive Influx ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The One

This paper will focus on one element of the pushback against the massive influx of immigrants taken in for humanitarian purposes, namely, an identity-based chauvinism which uses identity as the point of resistance to the perceived dilution of that identity, brought about by the transformation of culture induced by the incorporation of a foreign other. The solution to this perceived dilution is a simultaneous defence of that culture and a demand for a conformity to it. While those in the critical tradition have encouraged a counter-position of revolutionary transformation by the other through ethics, dialogue, or the multitude, such a transformation is arguably impeded by what is ultimately a repetition of the metaphysics of conformity. Drawing on the personalism of Emmanuel Mounier and the Eucharistic theology of Creston Davis and Aaron Riches, this paper submits an alternative identity politics position that completes the revolutionary impulse. Identity here is not the flashpoint of a self-serving conflict, but the launch-point of politics of self-emptying, whose hallmarks include, on the one hand, a never-ending reception of transformation by the other, and on the other hand, an anchoring in the Body of Christ that is at once ever-changing and never-changing.

Biracial American Colorism: Passing for White

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (14) ◽  
pp. 2072-2086 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keshia L. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Native Americans ◽  
Family Income ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Racial Identification ◽  
Social Science Literature ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Identification Processes ◽  
The U.S

Biracial Americans constitute a larger portion of the U.S. population than is often acknowledged. According to the U.S. Census, 8.4 million people or 2.6% of the population identified with two or more racial origins in 2016. Arguably, these numbers are misleading considering extensive occurrences of interracial pairings between Whites and minority racial groups throughout U.S. history. Many theorists posit that the hypodescent principle of colorism, colloquially known as “the one drop rule,” has influenced American racial socialization in such a way that numerous individuals primarily identify with one racial group despite having parents from two different racial backgrounds. While much of social science literature examines the racial identification processes of biracial Americans who identify with their minority heritage, this article focuses on contextual factors such as family income, neighborhood, religion, and gender that influence the decision for otherwise African/Asian/Latino/Native Americans to identify as White.

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