scholarly journals One Belt One Road and Global Maritime Fulcrum: Between Contradictions and Harmony

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Catharina Dheani
Keyword(s):  
Silk Road ◽  
Coast Guard ◽  
The South ◽  
The Road ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Foreign Politics ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
To Come ◽  
Two Sides

A story of connectivity, part of the international diplomatic arena with routes, hubs, and corridors has been set as the mantra of the Belt and the Road of China. In 2013, when China’s paramount leader, Mr. Xi took a visit in mostly Central Asia and Southeast Asia, he initiatively proposed to build the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. It is then being abbreviated as OBOR (One Belt One Road) which represents China’s audacious vision to transform political region in Europe, Africa, and Asia for decades to come. The initiative absolutely calls for a greater integration of those regions into a cohesive economic area through building infrastructure, increasing cultural exchanges, and broadening trade. This centerpiece of Mr. Xi’s foreign policy has been categorized as the most important feature of the country to show its charm in offering a deeper connection and a bundle of developmental pledges towards all neighboring countries. Indonesia, the south neighboring country of China, is also included in the orbit of convergence with Jokowi’s vision and foreign politics strategies ‘to be a global maritime fulcrum.’ Both are in attempt to reinvigorate what each apprehends as their previous maritime glory. However, there are several limits of cooperation between the two sides, in particular the territorial issue in the South China Sea. Confrontations in fishing and coast guard ships, including a domineering manner of China’s foreign conduct are the current impediments to advance cooperation. Yet, it is evident that Indonesia will need Chinese investments in order to realize the Global Maritime Fulcrum. All in all, this research aims to analyze the concept of connectivity between two sides as well as to explore on how Indonesia and China could maintain their partnership to achieve each specific national goals without stepping on each other’s toes

The Road and Belt Initiative in Malaysia: Challenges and Recommendations

Akademika ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-91
Author(s):  
Ku Boon Dar ◽  
◽  
Tan Chee Seng ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The Road ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
The Silk Road

ABSTRACT In recent years, China has expanded its relations with other nations through the Belt and Road Initiative. This initiative was formally introduced after it was launched in 2013 by President Xi Jinping. It comprises two components, namely, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative, both of which aim to stimulate the acceleration of economic growth in Asia, Africa and Europe. This research attempts to provide a detailed review of the execution of this initiative through empirical studies based on qualitative analysis, which are closely related to BRI implementation in Malaysia. The focus of this research, however, is not limited to studying the viewpoints of leaders and scholars on the initiative; rather, it will also attempt to discuss theBRI’s progress and the obstacles encountered to date from the political aspects of both China and Malaysia. By identifying the potential challenges to come, this research will prove to be significant, as it proposes some comprehensive measures to address and forestall any setbacks that may arise, which may affect the implementation of the BRI between the two nations. Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); Malaysia–China relations; Silk Road; China–ASEAN relations; Maritime Silk Road A

The Study of Intellectual Property Protection System

2019 ◽  
pp. 58-66
Author(s):  
Ping Zhou ◽  
Dongjuan Lv ◽  
Ying Chen
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
National Development ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Strategic Coordination ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One

The “One Belt One Road” strategy is the abbreviation of “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road.” In September and October of 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed to build the cooperation initiative of “New Silk Road Economic Belt” and “The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.” President Xi Jinping projected to establish the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his visit in Indonesia in October 2013. Finally, the National Development and Reform Commission, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Commerce cooperatively issued the “Vision and Action for Promoting the Construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road” on March 28, 2015. The “One Belt One Road” countries were key areas of cooperation in the context of China's policy in communication, road connectivity, smooth trade, currency circulation, people's mutual understanding, strategic coordination to strengthen bilateral and multilateral teamwork, and corresponding development.

scholarly journals The Security Challenges of the “One Belt, One Road” Initiative and China’s Choices

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (78) ◽  
pp. 129-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Haiquan
Keyword(s):  
Open Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Transnational Organized Crime ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Turmoil

Abstract The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives (“One Belt, One Road”) are of significance in enhancing China’s open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by “One Belt, One Road” and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.

scholarly journals Cooperation Formats of China and Europe: Synergies and Divergences

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inna Šteinbuka ◽  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Andris Kuznieks
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Investment Plan ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Investment Agreement ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This contribution articulates the synergies and divergences of the various formats of cooperation between China and the European countries. The EU and China have a strong interest in each other’s flagship initiatives, namely the Investment Plan for Europe, and the One Belt, One Road Initiative (Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road). The authors argue that there are certain synergies between these initiatives. Furthermore, the new initiative EU-China Connectivity Platform is aimed to explore these synergies. The authors explore the recent developments in the EU-China investments, trade cooperation and the challenges of the ever-growing CEEC-China partnership in different formats, including the new platform of 16+1. The authors examine these implications in relation to the need to expand and adapt the content and approach of the EU-China Bilateral Investment agreement. The article concludes that the CEEC-China relation does not go against the EU; moreover, neither the CEE countries nor China have any motivation to try to weaken the EU.

One belt, one road to nowhere

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvatore Babones
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One

China faces many hostile neighbours; relations with Japan are particularly fraught. China has thus sought friends farther afield, abandoning the Deng-Hu "keeping a low profile" (KLP) strategy for Xi Jinpeng's expansive "striving for achievement" (SFA) strategy. The centerpiece of SFA is the One Belt, One Road (1B1R) initiative. China's Silk Road Economic Belt is often said to have sparked a new "Great Game" for influence in Central Asia, but Central Asian economies are much too small to have any substantive impact on Eurasian geopolitics. China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road to Southeast Asia and beyond has been influential only in Africa, where it has little impact on global power structures. Like the fifteenth century voyages of Zheng He, the ultimate purpose of 1B1R may be to legitimate the Chinese government's rule at home. Even in this it is failing, as elite Chinese seek citizenships abroad. Birth tourism to the United States has emerged as their most important family exit strategy.

One Belt, One Road: China's Strategy for a New Global Financial Order

2017 ◽  
Vol 68 (8) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sit Tsui ◽  
Erebus Wong ◽  
Lau Kin Chi ◽  
Wen Tiejun
Keyword(s):  
Production Capacity ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
World War ◽  
Investment Bank ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
New Development ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Peaceful Development

In late 2013, Chinese premier Xi Jinping announced a pair of new development and trade initiatives for China and the surrounding region: the "Silk Road Economic Belt" and the "Twenty-First-Century Maritime Silk Road," together known as One Belt, One Road (OBOR). Along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the OBOR policies represent an ambitious spatial expansion of Chinese state capitalism, driven by an excess of industrial production capacity, as well as by emerging financial capital interests. The Chinese government has publicly stressed the lessons of the 1930s overcapacity crisis in the West that precipitated the Second World War, and promoted these new initiatives in the name of "peaceful development." Nevertheless, the turn to OBOR suggests a regional scenario broadly similar to that in Europe between the end of the nineteenth century and the years before the First World War, when strong nations jostled one another for industrial and military dominance.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

scholarly journals Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Blues: Powering BRI Research Back on Track to Avoid Choppy Seas

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The Road ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
On The Road

AbstractThis piece examines and critiques the massive literature on China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It details how research currently seems stuck on the road to nowhere. In addition, it identifies a number of the potholes that collective research endeavors are hitting such as that they are poorly synchronized. It also stresses that lines of analysis are proliferating rather than optimizing, with studies broadening in thematic coverage, rather than becoming deeper. It points out that BRI participants are regularly related to the role of a bit player in many analyses and research often is disconnected from other literatures. Among other things, this article recommends analysts focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) or Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in specific regions or countries. It also argues for a research core that focuses on the implementation issue (i.e., the issue of MSRI and SREB project implementation), project effects (i.e., the economic and political costs and benefits of projects), and the translation issue (i.e., the domestic and foreign policy effects of projects) and does work that goes beyond the usual suspects. On a related note, research need to identify, more precisely, participants and projects, undertake causal analysis, and take into account countervailing factors. Furthermore, studies need to make more extensive use of the Chinese foreign policy literature. Moreover, works examining subjects like soft power need to improve variable conceptualization and operationalization and deliver more nuanced analyses. Finally, studies, especially by area specialists, should take the area, not the China, perspective.

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