One belt, one road to nowhere

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvatore Babones
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One

China faces many hostile neighbours; relations with Japan are particularly fraught. China has thus sought friends farther afield, abandoning the Deng-Hu "keeping a low profile" (KLP) strategy for Xi Jinpeng's expansive "striving for achievement" (SFA) strategy. The centerpiece of SFA is the One Belt, One Road (1B1R) initiative. China's Silk Road Economic Belt is often said to have sparked a new "Great Game" for influence in Central Asia, but Central Asian economies are much too small to have any substantive impact on Eurasian geopolitics. China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road to Southeast Asia and beyond has been influential only in Africa, where it has little impact on global power structures. Like the fifteenth century voyages of Zheng He, the ultimate purpose of 1B1R may be to legitimate the Chinese government's rule at home. Even in this it is failing, as elite Chinese seek citizenships abroad. Birth tourism to the United States has emerged as their most important family exit strategy.

scholarly journals The Security Challenges of the “One Belt, One Road” Initiative and China’s Choices

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (78) ◽  
pp. 129-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Haiquan
Keyword(s):  
Open Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Transnational Organized Crime ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Turmoil

Abstract The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives (“One Belt, One Road”) are of significance in enhancing China’s open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by “One Belt, One Road” and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.

The Study of Intellectual Property Protection System

2019 ◽  
pp. 58-66
Author(s):  
Ping Zhou ◽  
Dongjuan Lv ◽  
Ying Chen
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
National Development ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Strategic Coordination ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One

The “One Belt One Road” strategy is the abbreviation of “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road.” In September and October of 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed to build the cooperation initiative of “New Silk Road Economic Belt” and “The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.” President Xi Jinping projected to establish the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his visit in Indonesia in October 2013. Finally, the National Development and Reform Commission, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Commerce cooperatively issued the “Vision and Action for Promoting the Construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road” on March 28, 2015. The “One Belt One Road” countries were key areas of cooperation in the context of China's policy in communication, road connectivity, smooth trade, currency circulation, people's mutual understanding, strategic coordination to strengthen bilateral and multilateral teamwork, and corresponding development.

scholarly journals Cooperation Formats of China and Europe: Synergies and Divergences

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inna Šteinbuka ◽  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Andris Kuznieks
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Investment Plan ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Investment Agreement ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This contribution articulates the synergies and divergences of the various formats of cooperation between China and the European countries. The EU and China have a strong interest in each other’s flagship initiatives, namely the Investment Plan for Europe, and the One Belt, One Road Initiative (Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road). The authors argue that there are certain synergies between these initiatives. Furthermore, the new initiative EU-China Connectivity Platform is aimed to explore these synergies. The authors explore the recent developments in the EU-China investments, trade cooperation and the challenges of the ever-growing CEEC-China partnership in different formats, including the new platform of 16+1. The authors examine these implications in relation to the need to expand and adapt the content and approach of the EU-China Bilateral Investment agreement. The article concludes that the CEEC-China relation does not go against the EU; moreover, neither the CEE countries nor China have any motivation to try to weaken the EU.

China's Indian Ocean strategy will be hotly contested

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Indian Ocean ◽  
The United States ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Gulf Countries ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
Sphere Of Influence

Subject China's Indian Ocean strategy. Significance The Xi Jinping administration plans to integrate Eurasia and Africa more closely with China through investment and infrastructure, including pipelines, railways, roads and ports under the 'Silk Road Economic Belt' and 'New Maritime Silk Road' initiatives. The former is designed for Eurasia, the latter for the Indian Ocean. This is of growing concern to India, which sees the Indian Ocean as its sphere of influence. Impacts Indian Ocean stakeholders including the United States, India and Australia will cooperate to balance Chinese activities. China's ties with Persian Gulf countries will strengthen as China overtakes the United States as the largest crude oil importer. China's South China Sea and Indian Ocean strategies are interlinked on economic and security goals.

China's OBOR will follow opportunities, not blueprint

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Economic Planning ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Government Documents ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
The One

Subject The One Belt One Road initiative. Significance China's top economic planning body yesterday released a document on the Maritime Silk Road, adding to a growing set of authoritative central government documents that flesh out the nature and aims of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative. Impacts The leadership's commitment to OBOR will ensure that resources will flow to it as long as Xi remains president. Support could weaken when Xi steps down if his successor seeks signature initiatives of his own. The more cohesive OBOR becomes, the greater the risk that other governments not participating will see it as a threat.

РЕГИОНАЛЬНАЯ ПОЛИТИКА КИТАЯ В ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЙ АЗИИ И ПАРТНЕРСТВО С КЫРГЫЗСТАНОМ

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-73
Author(s):  
А. Абулаити
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One ◽  
Central Asian Republics

Аннотация. Данная статья посвящена проблемам международной политики КНР в Центральной Азии и сотрудничеству с Кыргызстаном в рамках инициативы «Один пояс – один путь». В работе рассматривается понятие китайского регионализма, специфика международной политики Китая, роль Китая в Центральной Азии. Раскрываются особенности взаимоотношения КНР с центральноазиатскими республиками в торговом, экономическом и политическом отношениях. Ключевые слова: Глобализация, регионализм, Инициатива “Один пояс – один путь”, Китай, СУАР, Центральная Азия, Кыргызстан, «сообщество единой судьбы», периферийная дипломатия, Конфуцианство, политика «марш на запад», Экономический пояс шелкового пути. Аннотация. Бул макала Кытайдын "Бир алкак - бир жол" демилгесинин алкагындагы Борбордук Азияга карата саясаты жана Кыргызстан менен кызматташуусу көйгөйүнө арналган. Аткарылган иште Кытай регионализми түшүнүгү, Кытайдын эл аралык саясатынын өзгөчөлүктөрү, Кытайдын Борбор Азиядагы ролу каралат. Кытайдын Борбордук Азия өлкөлөрү менен соода-экономикалык жана саясий мамилелеринин өзгөчөлүктөрү аныкталат. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Глобалдашуу, Регионализм, "Бир алкак - бир жол" демилгеси, Кытай, СУАР, Борбордук Азия, Кыргызстан, "Адамзаттын бирдиктүү тагдырынын жамааты”, перифериялык дипломатия, Конфуцийизм, "Батышка жүрүш" саясаты, Жибек Жолунун экономикалык алкагы. Abstract. This article is devoted to the problems of China’s international policy in Central Asia and cooperation with Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the «One Belt - One Way» initiative. The paper examines the concept of Chinese regionalism, the specificity of China’s international policy, China’s role in Central Asia within the trade, economic, and political relations with the Central Asian republics. Keywords: Globalization, regionalism, BRI, China, XUAR, Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan, community of shared destiny, peripheral diplomacy, Confucianism, “Go-West” policy, Silk Road Economic Belt

scholarly journals The One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative and seaport business in Europe – perspective of the Port of Rijeka

Pomorstvo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-273
Author(s):  
Adrijana Agatić ◽  
Dragan Čišić ◽  
Ana Perić Hadžić ◽  
Tanja Poletan Jugović
Keyword(s):  
Silk Road ◽  
Current Status ◽  
The Past ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Infrastructure Investments ◽  
The One ◽  
Port Infrastructure ◽  
Further Development

The OBOR-One Belt One Road initiative has potential to enable further development of the Port of Rijeka. The European seaports are important for China in the development of the OBOR initiative, especially the ports on the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) corridor of the OBOR. Chinese investors i.e. terminal operators in the past two decades have strategically invested in the European seaports to strengthen their position and obtain the OBOR goals. European seaports got the opportunity to improve their business through Chinese infrastructure investments and through China’s trade dominance which can bring more cargo to the European seaports. Thus, the OBOR i.e. Maritime Silk Road-MSR provide new possibilities for further development of the Port of Rijeka. The Chinese investors expressed their interest to invest in the Port of Rijeka, but concrete investments and collaboration regarding OBOR have not been realized. In this paper, the OBOR goals in Europe and the current status of OBOR in Europe will be identified. Strategic activities of China in the European seaports will be analyzed. The perspective the Port of Rijeka in the OBOR initiative i.e. MSR corridor will be elaborated according to the analyzed Chinese strategic activities in the European seaports and relevant aspects of the Port of Rijeka business: geo-traffic position, position on the OBOR corridors i.e. MSR corridor, membership in the NAPA – North Adriatic Port Association, shipping services and railway services, port infrastructure and investments.

scholarly journals One Belt One Road and Global Maritime Fulcrum: Between Contradictions and Harmony

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Catharina Dheani
Keyword(s):  
Silk Road ◽  
Coast Guard ◽  
The South ◽  
The Road ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Foreign Politics ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
To Come ◽  
Two Sides

A story of connectivity, part of the international diplomatic arena with routes, hubs, and corridors has been set as the mantra of the Belt and the Road of China. In 2013, when China’s paramount leader, Mr. Xi took a visit in mostly Central Asia and Southeast Asia, he initiatively proposed to build the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. It is then being abbreviated as OBOR (One Belt One Road) which represents China’s audacious vision to transform political region in Europe, Africa, and Asia for decades to come. The initiative absolutely calls for a greater integration of those regions into a cohesive economic area through building infrastructure, increasing cultural exchanges, and broadening trade. This centerpiece of Mr. Xi’s foreign policy has been categorized as the most important feature of the country to show its charm in offering a deeper connection and a bundle of developmental pledges towards all neighboring countries. Indonesia, the south neighboring country of China, is also included in the orbit of convergence with Jokowi’s vision and foreign politics strategies ‘to be a global maritime fulcrum.’ Both are in attempt to reinvigorate what each apprehends as their previous maritime glory. However, there are several limits of cooperation between the two sides, in particular the territorial issue in the South China Sea. Confrontations in fishing and coast guard ships, including a domineering manner of China’s foreign conduct are the current impediments to advance cooperation. Yet, it is evident that Indonesia will need Chinese investments in order to realize the Global Maritime Fulcrum. All in all, this research aims to analyze the concept of connectivity between two sides as well as to explore on how Indonesia and China could maintain their partnership to achieve each specific national goals without stepping on each other’s toes

scholarly journals One Belt One Road Project: Harmonization of Russia’s and China’s Long-tTrm Interests

2019 ◽  
pp. 89-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. P. Sukhodolov ◽  
I. V. Anokhov
Keyword(s):  
Silk Road ◽  
Transport Systems ◽  
Northern Sea Route ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
The World ◽  
Road Project ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
The One ◽  
The Silk Road

The article aims at evaluating the One Belt One Road project implemented by China that will define long-term trajectories of the world trade and finance development as well as prospects of Russia’s participation in this project. It seems that the project under consideration is not a full alternative to the existing nowadays world system of railroad and sea shipping both from the viewpoint of the shipping cost and the scope of investment required. A possibility of full-scale refocusing of Russia’s transport systems (the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Northern Sea Route) on the One Belt One Road project is not currently obvious, thus, one cannot state with certainty Russia’s role in this project. Besides, implementing this project results in building in Eurasia a China-centric economy system that does not coincide with the structures built by Russia, i.e. the Eurasian Economic Union, the Customs Union and other ones. At the same time, the One Belt One Road project seems to have no alternatives. None of the other countries has proposed a project that can be compared with the One Belt One Road one in terms of being large-scale, having a global impact as well as long-term effects. It is believed, that after the implementation of the project is complete, the technological and social differences between Europe’s and China’s potentials, which were the reason for shipping goods from Southeast Asia to Europe over the past centuries, will be reduced to a significant extent. In terms of this the China-centric world will have to provide different noneconomic reasons for its existence, i.e. provide the world with new values and meanings of the postindustrial world. In this context Russia’s participating in the One Belt One Road project may appear to be necessary: Russia can act as a project’s security operator, a mediator between China and the countries who are participants of the Silk Road Economic Belt in cases where their interests collide. Russia can also generate values and meanings of economic processes. The safe transportation routes Russia has, i.e. the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Northern Sea Route as well as long-term friendly relations with the countries-participants of the Silk Road Economic Belt and Russia’s being experienced in harmonizing different interests can become the key aspects contributing to success of this project.

scholarly journals Cooperation between the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road Economic Belt: Benefits, Risks, Achievements

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. G. Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Transport Infrastructure ◽  
Member States ◽  
Western Model ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Economic Union

The article is devoted to the advantages, risks and achievements of cooperation between the Russian integration project “Eurasian Economic Union” (EAEU) and the Chinese initiative “Silk Road Economic Belt” (SREB). The Eurasian space has a strategic importance for Russia and China, so the political leaders of these global powers decided to join together the EAEU and the SREB for the development, strengthening and expansion of cooperation in the field of economy. On the one hand, the interaction of the two integration projects opens wide opportunities for all participants: economic growth, technological modernization, creation of transport and logistics infrastructure. Russia and China share a common vision of the future foundations of the New World Order. In contrast to the Western model of the organization of international relations on the principle of unipolarity, Russia and China defend the model of a polycentric world order. On the other hand, there are problems that can cause competition between Russia and China. The problems of industrialization of the EAEU member-states, the possible competition between Russian and Chinese goods in the Eurasian market as well as in the field of industrial technology may appear. At the same time, it is important to understand that the interests of Russia and China largely coincide rather than diverge. The interests of both states are not only economic in nature but also related to Eurasian security issues. The first beneficial projects having been signed within the cooperation between EAEU and SREB aim at the development of transport infrastructure and financial assistance to the member-states. Considering the reverent attitude of the post-soviet states to national sovereignty the Chinese project looks the most attractive due to the absence of a supranational body. However, this fact does not exclude the possibility of getting the Central Asian states into excessive financial dependence on China. Meanwhile, the EAEU will help to balance China’s economic and political relations with the Central Asian states.In the context of globalization the cooperation between the EAEU and the SREB could be the first step towards the creation of major international economic structure. Cooperation between the Russian and Chinese projects has enormous potential for effective mutually beneficial development and opens wide opportunities for the participating states. The cooperation of the two projects will strengthen the geopolitical position of Russia and China in Eurasia as opposed to the geopolitical activity of the United States.

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