scholarly journals What Divides?

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Shannon Walsh

The academic–activist divide does not merely consist of a division between those working within the academy to transform society and those pursuing the same ends through direct action, community organisation, or other forms of political organisation. Rather, at base the academic-activist divide is constituted by ideas around who can think and speak, what counts as thought and speech, and through the assumption that there are supposedly ‘legitimate’ spaces from which thought and speech issue. Thinking through and beyond the academic–activist divide requires questioning the relation between thought and action and challenging their containment within a social order. In what follows, I seek to move beyond the academic-activist divide by drawing on the work of Karl Marx and Jacques Rancière. Far from an inward exercise in political or social theory, the arguments made here have immediate consequences for questions of political organisation in the present moment.  

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-62
Author(s):  
Claryn Spies

While black bloc has been persistently misunderstood and maligned by the mainstream media and leftist intellectuals alike, rereading this tactic as an aesthetic practice opens new and more interesting methods of appraisal. This paper considers three ways of reading black bloc: first, how participation in a black bloc can be an ontologically transformative experience for its participants; second, how property destruction associated with black blocs can have transformative effects on its spectators; and third, how black bloc is particularly well-suited to what Jacques Rancière calls the redistribution of the sensible. These accounts provide alternative lenses through which black bloc can be brought into focus, and suggest that the bloc’s lack of concrete demands or fixed membership, its fleeting temporality, and its refusal to either identify itself with a particular party or class, or to engage with “politics as usual”—the very things that frustrate its critics—can be read as its greatest strengths. In entertaining a multiplicity of ways of seeing black blocs, we may loosen ourselves from the prevailing criticisms that eschew nontraditional forms of demonstrations, and shift the horizon of what we find to be politically possible. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: [email protected] Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2021 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.] KEYWORDS: Aesthetics, Direct Action, Anonymity, Subjectivity, Jacques Rancière.


Author(s):  
James Harvey

In Jacques Rancière and the Politics of Art Cinema, James Harvey contends that Rancière’s writing allows us to broach art and politics on the very same terms: each involves the visible and the invisible, the heard and unheard, and the distribution of bodies in a perceivable social order. Between making, performing, viewing and sharing films, a space is constructed for tracing and realigning the margins of society, allowing us to consider the potential of cinema to create new political subjects. Drawing on case studies of films including Charlie Kaufman’s Synecdoche, New York, Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s Climates and John Akomfrah’s The Nine Muses, this books asks to what extent is politics shaping art cinema? And, in turn, could art cinema possibly affect the political structure of the world as we know it?


Anos 90 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (46) ◽  
Author(s):  
André Fabiano Voigt

O presente artigo procura, em uma análise retroativa a autores como Immanuel Kant, Georg W. F. Hegel e Karl Marx, estabelecer as divergências e convergências entre estes autores em torno de um fio condutor: qual é a relação que o ser humano tem com o tempo, o espaço e a prática da liberdade? Qual a importância, portanto, de uma “época” para a análise histórica? Percebe-se que, apesar de Hegel e Marx seguirem elementos importantes do pensamento kantiano, ambos convergem em um princípio que se distingue da análise de Kant: a noção de que alguns grupos ou indivíduos teriam uma visão/compreensão (Einsicht) melhor da situação de todos. Neste sentido, entendemos que a sequência entre a crítica kantiana e o pensamento contemporâneo está principalmente na obra de autores que pensaram a crítica do filósofo de Königsberg como “atitude crítica” diante do pressuposto da autoridade. Entre esses autores, encontram-se Michel Foucault e Jacques Rancière, que defendem a característica eminentemente anacrônica do trabalho do historiador, sem a pressuposição da superioridade de um indivíduo ou grupo sobre os demais.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Sri Indiyastutik

Abstrak: Jacques Rancière, pemikir Prancis kelahiran Aljazair (1940-sekarang), konsisten dengan gagasannya tentang kesetaraan bagi setiap orang dan semua orang. Baginya, demokrasi bukanlah bentuk pemerintahan atau tatanan sosial. Kesetaraan yang kontingen dalam tatanan sosial, menurut Rancière, menjadikan demokrasi dapat terjadi kapan saja dan di mana saja, tidak dapat diprediksi. Rancière mengajak kita untuk terbuka pada gangguan-gangguan demos dan kemunculan subyek-subyek baru di masa datang sebagai dinamika dalam tatanan sosial yang tidak perlu ditumpas atau dihambat. Politik demokrasi adalah sebuah perselisihan. Namun perselisihan tersebut bukan tindakan revolusi untuk menghancurkan tatanan sosial yang telah ada menjadi tatanan yang sama sekali baru. Demokrasi adalah subyektivasi politik yang mengganggu tatanan sosial dominan yang dilakukan oleh demos untuk memverifikasi kesetaraan. Kemunculan demos mentransformasi tatanan sosial menjadi bentuk yang berbeda, yang mengakomodasi keberadaan mereka yang tidak terhitung (the wrong, yang salah). Kata-kata Kunci: Demokrasi, kesetaraan, demos, perselisihan, subyektivikasi, yang salah. Abstract: Jacques Rancière, a French philosopher born in Algeria (1940-present), affirms the equality of anyone and everyone. He analyzes the so-called democracy not as a kind of state or social order. Equality which is contingent in the social order, for Rancière, shows that democracy could occurs everytime and everywhere, democracy could not be predicted. Rancière brings us to have an open eye in front of dispute of the demos and the subjectification of any new subjects. This is an inherent and a dynamic of the social order that should not be repressed or stopped. The democratic politics is a dispute. But the dispute is not an act of revolution to destroy the existing social order to create an entirely new order. Democracy is the political subjectification that disrupts the police order by the demos to verify the equality of anyone and everyone. The emergence of the demos transforms the social order into a different form when this order accommodates the existence of the wrong. Keywords: Democracy, equality, demos, dispute, subjectification, the wrong.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (104) ◽  
pp. 68-85
Author(s):  
Mikkel Bolt

Om de lavere klassers intelligens hos Jacques Rancière Noises or voices: The Intelligence of the Lower Classes in Jacques RancièreThe article examines the work of the French philosopher Jacques Rancière, that manifests itself as a series of engagements with philosophers from Plato to Louis Althusser via Karl Marx. According to Rancière these philoosphers all in different ways reject the lower classes’ ability to act as political subjects and understand or create culture. In his writings Rancière is able to show that the lower classes are in fact able to appropriate language and culture and thereby challenge or even shatter the dominant idea of culture.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 297-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Alexandersson ◽  
Viktorija Kalonaityte

In this article we develop the analysis and the conceptualization of the relationship between play and work within the increasingly aestheticized working life, drawing on the scholarship of Jacques Rancière and using images of playful office interiors as our empirical case. In doing so, we are able to add to the theorization of the uneasy relationship between the subordination of employee imagination and self to the agendas of the employer, typical of wage labor, and the strive for heteronomy and refiguring of the social order, characteristic of play.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 529
Author(s):  
Salviana de Maria Pastor Santos Sousa

Nascido em Argel em 1940, formado nos anos 1960, em Paris, e aposentado como professor emérito da Universidade de Paris VIII, Jacques Rancière é dos mais importantes filósofos da atualidade. Publicou variados trabalhos, entre os quais: O Desentendimento - Política e Filosofia, A partilha do Sensível, A Noite dos Proletários, Políticas da Escrita, O destino das Imagens, A Fábula Cinematográfica. O livro que referencia a presente resenha denomina-se O Ódio à Democracia. Foi publicado em 2005, na França e lançado no Brasil, em 2014, pela Boitempo Editorial. Como é do seu feitio, Rancière traz ao debate público, de forma densa e tensionada, nesse trabalho, o tema da democracia, fazendo um circuito letrado pela história da filosofia política. Nesse circuito ilustrado, apresentam-se vivamente autores de diferentes épocas que trazem respeitáveis contribuições para a reflexão sobre a democracia, entre os quais se destacam: Platão, Aristóteles, Rousseau, Maquiavel, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Hannah Arendt, Benjamin Constant, Michel Crozier, Samuel Huntington, Pierre Rosanvallon, John Adams, Jean-Claude Milner, François Furet, Claude Lefort, Alfred Fouillée, Jules Ferry. Nas 125 páginas do texto, Rancière recupera, com maestria, a indisposição que a democracia provoca naqueles que, independentemente do tempo e do lugar de nascimento, consideram-se titulares do poder de outorgar vida e morte ao restante dos mortais. Congrega esse debate nos quatro capítulos centrais do livro, assim, nomeados: Da democracia vitoriosa à democracia criminosa; A política ou o pastor perdido; Democracia, república, representação e As razões do ódio.


Author(s):  
Leander Scholz

Der Aufsatz geht der These nach, daß die Fundierung der politischen Theorie in einer ästhetischen Theorie bei Jacques Rancière eine Aktualisierung der Losung der Brüderlichkeit aus der Französischen Revolution darstellt. Diese Aktualisierung der Brüderlichkeit als »ästhetische Gemeinschaft« erlaubt es Rancière, an den Klassenbegriff von Marx anzuschließen, ohne die damit verbundene Gemeinschaftserfahrung begrifflich bestimmen und damit an positive Merkmale binden zu müssen. Weil Rancière seine Demokratietheorie vor allem als eine Interventionstheorie angelegt hat, soll die »ästhetische Gemeinschaft« im Unterschied zum Klassenbegriff es ermöglichen, eine prinzipiell unabgeschlossene Reihe von politischen Subjektivierungsprozessen zu denken. Um diese These zu schärfen, wird Rancières Demokratietheorie mit der von Jacques Derrida verglichen, der auf ganz ähnliche Weise das Demokratische der Demokratie in einem Streit gegeben sieht, der jenseits von demokratischen Spielregeln stattfindet, die Losung der Brüderlichkeit jedoch für überaus problematisch hält.<br><br>This article argues that the foundation of political theory in aesthetics by Jacques Rancière can be seen as an actualization of the slogan of fraternalism during the French Revolution. This actualization of fraternalism as »aesthetic community« gives Rancière the possibility to operate with the Marxian concept of classes without positively defining the experience of community. Because Rancière understands democracy as the chance for political intervention, the concept of an »aesthetic community« (as opposed to the traditional concept of classes) allows him to posit an endless process of political subjectification. To sharpen this argument, the article compares Rancière’s understanding of democracy to Jacques Derrida’s, who also focuses on a democratic struggle beyond democratic rules, but is very skeptical about the slogan of fraternalism.


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