Models of Time Use in Paid and Unpaid Work

2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 924-946 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic Beaujot ◽  
Jianye Liu
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Risk Model ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Double Burden ◽  
The Family ◽  
Alternate Model ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Shared Roles ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

Models of time use need to consider especially the reproductive and productive activities of women and men. For husband-wife families, the breadwinner, one-earner, or complementary-roles model has advantages in terms of efficiency or specialization and stability; however, it is a high-risk model for women and children. The alternate model has been called two-earner, companionship, “new families,” or collaborative in the sense of spouses collaborating in the paid and unpaid work needed to provide for and care for the family. Adopting the common metric of time use to study paid and unpaid work, we find that the complementary-roles model remains the most common, and the “double burden” is the second most frequent; however, there is some evidence of change in the direction of shared-roles arrangements, especially for younger couples with children, when both are employed full-time.

scholarly journals Podział obowiązków w gospodarstwach domowych w Polsce: analiza sezonowości pracy domowej i zawodowej

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-109
Author(s):  
Marta Marszałek
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Living Arrangements ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Double Burden ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Household Activities ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

The analysis based on data from the Time Use Survey 2013 presents how household activities related to paid and unpaid work are distributed between women and men in Poland. The share of persons involved in selected activities at the defined time is presented. The 24‑hour rhythm of paid and unpaid work refers to weekdays (working days and weekends separately) and months. The analysis covers different groups of households, defined by the source of income and household living arrangements. The results confirm the hypothesis about double burden of women imposed by the asymmetric allocation of household duties between women and men, irrespectively of the source of household income. They also demonstrate how living arrangements contribute to the differences in paid and unpaid work of women and men.

Basic Income and Time Use Democratization

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Corina Rodríguez Enríquez
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Time Allocation ◽  
Direct Consequence ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Income Generation ◽  
Paid Work ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Main Obstacle ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

AbstractTime has become a valuable asset within capitalism. “Time is money” is a well known and usually shared principle. As in regard to many other type of assets, the distribution of time is pretty unfair, as well as it is the value consideration of the time allocated for different people to different activities. The distribution of time, as well as what people can or cannot do with their time, is a key issue among feminist debates. The main argument is that time allocation to paid and unpaid work is very different and unfair between genders. Women allocate much more time to unpaid work, and men, on the contrary allocate much more time to paid work. This has a reasonable and direct consequence in terms of income generation. This unequal distribution of time (and work) represents the main obstacle to women’s economic autonomy and to overcome gender income gaps.

Erweitertes Gender-BIP- Eine geschlechts-spezifische Analyse des traditionellen Bruttoinlandsproduktes und der Haushaltsproduktion in Deutschland / Extended Gender-GDP - A Gender-Specific Analysis of Traditional GDP and Household Production in Germany

2006 ◽  
Vol 226 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Axel Schaffer ◽  
Carsten Stahmer
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Household Production ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Paid Work ◽  
Economic Output ◽  
Specific Analysis ◽  
Year 2000 ◽  
Gender Specific ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

SummaryThe traditional Gross Domestic Product (GDP) reflects the money value of the annual economic output produced by the domestic industries’ employees. Thus, the GDP fully accounts for paid work. In contrast, unpaid work remains unconsidered. However, measured in time units, unpaid work clearly exceeds paid work. Therefore, societies rely likewise on paid and unpaid work. The study at hand identifies women’s and men’s volume of paid and unpaid work in time units and money values. For this purpose, German time use data are combined with the traditional monetary input-output table (IOT) for the year 2000 and its inverse matrix. While the IOT provides information about the industries’ direct and indirect contributions to traditional GDP, time use data determine the gender-specific paid and unpaid workload. Thus, women’s and men’s share in an extended GDP, defined as the sum of traditional GDP and household production, can be given.Finally the genders’ level of qualification is taken into account. This, in turn, allows for a more precise identification of the gender-specific quality of work.

scholarly journals Participation in Paid and Unpaid Work: Rhetoric, Policy and Realities for Women in the 'Year of the Family'

1970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyman Prue
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Important Task ◽  
State Support ◽  
Male Violence ◽  
The Family ◽  
Formal Recognition ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

The rhetoric of the year of the family is celebrative, encouraging, and cognisant of the variety of family forms: 'it is a year for us to celebrate families in New Zealand and it is also a time to focus on ways we can help families to carry out their very important task of raising their children'. It hints at the desirability of equality within the family, and of community/state support, with the comment that one result expected to be achieved is 'Formal recognition by the nation of on-going support for the family as the essential unit in which each member is important and has recognised status'. It even recognises, with the police campaign 'Not Just a Domestic', the problem of domestic violence, although not that it is overwhelmingly male violence.

scholarly journals Gender differences in paid and unpaid work: findings from a New Zealand birth cohort

2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheree J Gibb ◽  
David M Fergusson ◽  
Joseph M Boden
Keyword(s):  
Gender Differences ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Birth Cohort ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Paid Employment ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

One of the most prominent changes in the labour market over the last five decades has been the increase in women’s participation in paid employment. In New Zealand and overseas, increasing numbers of women have entered the labour market and have been working increasingly longer hours in paid employment. For example, while only 28.4% of New Zealand women aged 15–64 were employed full-time in 1951, by 2001 this proportion had increased to 56.4% (Johnston, 2005). 

How the type of working day affects work–life balance and mealtime balance: A study based on the time use survey

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 1082-1103
Author(s):  
Ángel Alonso-Domínguez ◽  
Javier Callejo ◽  
Cecilia Díaz-Méndez
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Family Life ◽  
Family Care ◽  
Work And Family ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Working Day ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

How people balance work and personal or family life has been widely examined, showing gender inequalities that put women at a disadvantage relative to men. However, although this is a question of time compatibility, there has been no research on whether the type of working day (continuous or split) has different effects on this balance for men and women. The Time Use Survey enables us to examine this balance in two areas that are key to understanding the difficulty of reconciling timetables. On the one hand, there is the relationship between the type of working day and housework or family care (balance between paid and unpaid work). On the other hand, there is the relationship between the type of working day and eating (mealtime balance). The data indicate that the type of working day affects the balance between paid and unpaid work less than might be expected, since in all cases, it is women who do more unpaid work, while men’s involvement in housework changes little, whether they have a continuous or a split working day. However, the continuous working day is more favourable to balancing work and family life. In contrast, work–mealtime balance is a cultural feature that equalises both sexes in relation to an established habit that encourages sharing time outside work. We can thus speak of shared (non-work) time and unshared (unpaid) work.

Is there Really a Second Shift, and if so, who does it? A Time-Diary Investigation

2007 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Craig
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Work Activity ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Unpaid Labour ◽  
Second Shift ◽  
Dual Burden ◽  
Australian Bureau Of Statistics ◽  
Household Labour ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

This paper draws on data from the most recent Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Time Use Survey ( TUS) (over 4,000 randomly selected households) to tease out the dimensions of the ‘second shift’. Predictions that as women entered the paid workforce men would contribute more to household labour have largely failed to eventuate. This underpins the view that women are working a second shift because they are shouldering a dual burden of paid and unpaid work. However, time use research seems to show that when both paid and unpaid work is counted, male and female workloads are in total very similar. This has led to suggestions that a literal second shift is a myth; that it exists in the sense that women do more domestic work than men, but not in the sense that they work longer hours in total. Using a more accurate and telling measure of workload than previous research (paid and unpaid labour including multitasked activities), this paper explores the second shift and how it relates to family configuration, ethnicity and indicators of class and socioeconomic standing. It finds a clear disparity between the total workloads of mothers and fathers, much of which consists of simultaneous (secondary) activity, and some demographic differences in female (but not male) total workloads. It concludes that the view that the second shift is a myth is only sustainable by averaging social groups very broadly and by excluding multitasking from the measurement of total work activity.

Drukte aan de vooravond van de participatiesamenleving

2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariëlle Cloïn ◽  
Anne Roeters
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Time Use ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Voluntary Work ◽  
Social Differences ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Multiple Domains ◽  
Total Workload ◽  
Time Use Surveys ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

Busyness on the eve of the participation society. Social differences and trends in total time spent on paid and unpaid work in the Netherlands. Busyness on the eve of the participation society. Social differences and trends in total time spent on paid and unpaid work in the Netherlands. The Dutch government asks citizens to be involved in multiple domains in society, such as the labor market, in the care for others and in voluntary work. This often has to be combined with domestic labor and the care for children. In this study, we look at social differences and trends in the 'total workload', the sum of paid and unpaid work, including informal care for others and volunteering. Based on multivariate OLS models on the Dutch Time Use Surveys (1980-2011) we find that men have a higher total workload than women, especially in families with young children. The gap between men and women has increased since 1980. Moreover, we find that the highly educated have a higher workload than the lower educated since 1990-1995, whereas this was the other way around in the 80's.

Approaching the female labor supply from the unpaid work and non-work functions

2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 643-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pródromos-Ioánnis K. Prodromídis
Keyword(s):  
Labor Supply ◽  
Time Use ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Household Composition ◽  
Seemingly Unrelated Regression ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Paid Work ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Work Functions

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to study the allocation of time to paid work, unpaid work and non-work by women in Britain in 1998-1999. To infer the labor supply from the other time-use expressions. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses weekly diary data to estimate the unpaid work and non-work functions. It infers the (residual) paid work expression. As the latter is recovered from uncensored regressions, it makes direct use of the complete set of observations. Hence, it contains more information than the conventional labor supply functions that are estimated from the data obtained from paid work participants via the Tobit and Heckit or selection-bias correction (SBC) techniques. Findings – The women surveyed generally allocated 69 percent of their time toward non-work, 18 percent to unpaid work, and 13 percent to paid work. The non-work function is dominated by the autonomous component, and all three functions depend on subjects’ age, wage, non-labor income, household composition, the unpaid work contributions of adult relatives and region of residence. The unpaid work and non-work functions are more consistent with the SBC rather than the Tobit version of the labor supply. Moreover, the Tobit predicts unrealistic paid work allocations for women engaging in very little non-work. Research limitations/implications – The unpaid work and non-work functions are regressed separately, as often the case in the literature. Their consideration within a seemingly unrelated regression framework necessitates a reduction in the number of observations to match those considered in the Tobit and SBC versions of the labor supply. Nuances may arise when the time reported in the diaries does not add up to 24 daily hours for all respondents. Knowledge of the recovered regional, age, household member and other effects on women time allocation might had come handy to economic development authorities who sought to attract women out of the household into market production, and from part-time to full-time employment in the context of the 2000-2010 Lisbon Strategy. Similar lessons may be valid today. Originality/value – The data set derives from a survey that has not been used before. It relies on week-long diaries in order to avoid the occurrence of many zeros in a good number of activities (which is the norm in short diaries), and to ensure the study of a censored time-use function through its uncensored complements. The findings are compared to those of a weekly diary survey conducted in 1987 that solicited similar information. Hence, the study fills a gap in time-use analysis. Identifying the factors which influence the number of hours that women engage in work (both paid and unpaid) and non-work is useful for economic policy purposes. The study exposes a limitation in the conventional estimation of the labor supply which, in turn, casts doubt on the reliability of empirical results for policy making.

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