Trade Unions and Politics in New Zealand

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Deeks
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

A number of recent events in New Zealand have focused public attention on the role of the trade unions in the political arena and on the relationship between the trade unions and the government.

Trade Unions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Moments

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.

Cultural Corporatism and the COC

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Robert J. Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Gay And Lesbian ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

Abstract Debates on gay and lesbian advocacy in the Netherlands have often revolved around the role of the political culture of pillarisation in facilitating or hindering the gay and lesbian (GL) social movement. Pillarisation ended, however, just as the GL movement was beginning to gain momentum. In this article, gay and lesbian advocacy is examined from 1986-1994, during which the government engaged in designing a national policy to combat anti-homosexual discrimination. After describing the transition from a political cultural of pillarisation to one of corporatism, I will investigate the extent to which corporatism was extended to the gay and lesbian social movement and structured relations between the government and the gay and lesbian social movement. Last, I will examine the ways in which a political culture of corporatism affected gay and lesbian advocacy. In extending corporatism to the GL social movement, the government created strong partners with whom policy could be negotiated and developed. Incorporation empowered some GL SMOs and secured their ‘place at the table’. Once incorporated into the formal political arena, the SMOs were able to achieve a number of policy advancements, but they also had to compete with much stronger players. Despite the strong position of some GL SMOs, and the COC in particular, some political party opposition to the GL movement resulted in the GL movement’s failure to achieve its most central goal.

scholarly journals التفرق الحزبي السياسي بين المسلمين في ماليزيا: ضوابط التعامل في ضوء السنة النبوية

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-96
Author(s):  
Ahmad Izzuddin Abu Bakar
Keyword(s):  
Human Behavior ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difference Of Opinion ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The difference of opinion between Islamic political party in Malaysia that has separated Muslims' votes in election in facing with the increasing non-Muslim’s parliamentary seats and their growing demands is one of the dispersions that are prohibited in Islam. Therefore, this article is aimed to produce methods of interaction in dealing with this phenomenon from Sunnah Nabawiyyah. The article collects and analyzes the data using a qualitative method. There are five methods of interaction identified; 1. It is demolishing the political hegemony using the hadith that requires justice and disallow oppression between the government and the civilian, 2. Prioritizing loyalty towards the religion rather than political party according to the hadith that stresses the loyalty to the Muslim, how to express loyalty to corrupted Muslim and none to non-Muslim, 3. Interaction with the Malay as a race that is lenient to Islam based on the hadith exhibit the difference of human behavior and how the prophet SAW react to a particular situation, 4. Did not structure a new political party since it will cause the dispersion according to the hadith that forbid the recitation of Al Quran if it causes fatal disagreement, 5. It is emphasizing on the role of neutral parties stemmed from the hadith that reconcile the relationship among humans, especially individuals that at variance for power.

scholarly journals HOW WOMEN BECOME INTERESTED IN POLITICS

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 3-40
Author(s):  
Nanaho Hanada
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Selection Processes ◽  
Non Profit Organizations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Women are politically underrepresented. This is true in Japan regardless of its political and economic standings suggesting that it is an industrialized democracy. While underrepresented in the political arena, Japanese women are fairly active in non- profit organizations. This paper explores the way in which women can be channeled into politics from civil society through organizational activities, I engaged in semi-structured interviews with 62 women from 41 non-profit organizations. I found that the relationship between organizations and the government was the key. The women in those organizations which have established a partnership with government were provided with the opportunity to enhance their self-efficacy by engaging in competitive selection processes and to dismantle the image of politics being contaminatedand negative by developing a personalized network with government officials and members in other organizations. They come to view their activities as being political and even consider running for office

Changes in Trade Union–Government Relations 1974–2002

Politics ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marsh ◽  
Heather Savigny
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Initial Increase ◽  
Annual Conference ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Changing Patterns ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship

Even if the role of unions is less than it was, they are still an important aspect of civil society in a democracy like the UK, so that changes in the relationship between the TUC and the government are an important aspect of changing patterns of governance in the UK. Here, we analyse this relationship during the period between 1974 and 2002 based upon the reports of the General Council of the TUC to each TUC Annual Conference. The analysis shows that the contacts between the TUC and government have fluctuated significantly over this period. They did decline in the Thatcher years although, interestingly, contacts were greater under Thatcher than under Major. The election of a New Labour government in 1997 was accompanied by an initial increase in contacts, but contacts declined subsequently. These fluctuations clearly reflect policy changes so, for example, contacts decreased when incomes policies became a thing of the past. However, they also reflected changes of personnel in government; so the replacement of Pym by Tebbit in 1982 was quickly followed by a fall in contacts. As far as New Labour is concerned, their historical links with the trade unions still mean that contacts are greater now than they were under the Conservatives. However, the initial surge in contacts probably reflected a broader pattern, with New Labour delivering on a promise of greater consultation made in opposition.

On Metaphysics and the Political: A Polemics of Reading Baudelaire in the 1930s

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Poetry ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Insight Into

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.

Muscovy and the Tatars

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
East European ◽  
Central Eurasia ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
Forest Line ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

scholarly journals Kuzbass Development Strategy: Past Lessons and Future Wrongs

2020 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 04038
Author(s):  
Yuri Fridman ◽  
Galina Rechko ◽  
Ekaterina Loginova
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Planning ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Business And Society ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
Economic Reality ◽  
The Government

The article discusses the place and role of strategic planning in ensuring that Kemerovo Oblast – Kuzbass develops comprehensively. For over thirty years, we have been studying the region with one of the leading national territorial-production centers established in the 20th century, how it emerged and functioned. Studies suggest that without regard to the economies of Russia as a whole and Kuzbass’s neighboring regions in particular, its issues cannot be satisfactorily resolved. At large, when strategic planning followed this assumption, it contributed to how fast and holistically the territory developed. Considering that, in the 21st century, strategy makers diverged from this concept and started to search for new approaches, the region’s economy has slowed down and its living standards have declined sharply. The momentum can be reversed with an active state socio-economic policy. Its previous forms, however, when the state gave preferences to private companies and did not require corresponding growth in standards of living in return, became unacceptable. It is necessary to work out a system of effective solutions and measures with mechanisms for reconciling the interests of the government, business and society within approaches that are adequate to the political and economic reality of today’s world.

scholarly journals Inequality between capital and labour and among wage-earners: the role of collective bargaining and trade unions

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Maarten Keune
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Wage Inequality ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Union Density ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Union Bargaining Power ◽  
Wage Earners ◽  
The Relationship

In the context of rising inequality between capital and labour and among wage-earners in Europe, this state-of-the-art article reviews the literature concerning the relationship between collective bargaining and inequality. It focuses on two main questions: (i) what is the relationship between collective bargaining, union bargaining power and inequality between capital and labour? and (ii) what is the relationship between collective bargaining, union bargaining power and wage inequality among wage-earners? Both questions are discussed in general terms and for single- and multi-employer bargaining systems. It is argued that collective bargaining coverage and union density are negatively related to both types of inequality. These relationships are however qualified by four additional factors: who unions represent, the weight of union objectives other than wages, the statutory minimum wage, and extensions of collective agreements by governments.

scholarly journals Evaluating the Role of Government Collaboration in the Perceived Performance of Community-Based Nonprofits: Three Propositions

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Nederhand
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Network Ties ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Perceived Performance ◽  
Political Network ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Nonprofit Collaboration ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract The topic of government-nonprofit collaboration continues to be much-discussed in the literature. However, there has been little consensus on whether and how collaborating with government is beneficial for the performance of community-based nonprofits. This article examines three dominant theoretical interpretations of the relationship between collaboration and performance: collaboration is necessary for the performance of nonprofits; the absence of collaboration is necessary for the performance of nonprofits; and the effect of collaboration is contingent on the nonprofits’ bridging and bonding network ties. Building on the ideas of governance, nonprofit, and social capital in their respective literature, this article uses set-theoretic methods (fsQCA) to conceptualize and test their relationship. Results show the pivotal role of the nonprofit’s network ties in mitigating the effects of either collaborating or abstaining from collaborating with government. Particularly, the political network ties of nonprofits are crucial to explaining the relationship between collaboration and performance. The evidence demonstrates the value of studying collaboration processes in context.

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