scholarly journals Electoral Reform and the Centralisation of the New Zealand National Party

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gregory R Stephens
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
National Party ◽  
Organisational Structure ◽  
Significant Control ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Organisational Structures

<p>Political party organisations respond to the challenges of their environments. Different organisational structures have different capabilities and capacities and, therefore, some organisations are better suited to some environments. What happened to party organisations when New Zealand changed from a first-past-the-post to a mixed member proportional electoral system? Did all parties have the same capacities to meet the challenges raised by this new environment? This paper addresses these questions by examining the organisational responses of the New Zealand National Party to the introduction of the mixed member proportional electoral system after 1993. The National Party was constructed to operate in a first-past-the-post electoral system and it did so successfully, winning twelve of the nineteen elections it contested. In response to the challenges of the first-past-the-post environment, National decentralised both candidate selection and campaign structure. National's decentralised organisation proved to be a liability for National under the new mixed member proportional environment however. Mixed member proportional demanded the construction of a nationwide list and a coherent campaign for the nationwide party vote. With its existing organisational structure, National was unable to meet either of these demands and suffered the electoral repercussions of that failure. After four consecutive elections in which National lost vote share, the National Party centralised its organisation in 2003. This paper analyses the centralisation of the National Party's organisation and the reasons for it by examining the Party's efforts to reform candidate selection and management of campaigns. The two organisational structures which National used for selecting candidates and managing campaigns under mixed member proportional produced different results. The candidate pools for 1996, 1999 and 2002 failed to provide nationwide appeal and produced incentive for electorate candidates to ignore the party vote element. Further, the campaign structure for these three elections allowed electorate committees significant control and the ability to undermine the nationwide party vote campaign. In the 2005 election, however, candidate selection and campaign management showed significant changes. The candidate selection process provided incentives for electorate candidates to seek both electorate and party votes, although it arguably still failed to produce a nationally appealing party list. The management of the campaign was also significantly different. It demonstrated the benefit of central campaign control in a mixed member proportional electoral system. The 2003 centralisation gave National elites significant control and allowed National to almost double its 2002 result in the 2005 election. This thesis demonstrates that a mixed member proportional electoral system gave National strong incentives to centralise its party organisation.</p>

scholarly journals Electoral Reform and the Centralisation of the New Zealand National Party

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gregory R Stephens
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
National Party ◽  
Organisational Structure ◽  
Significant Control ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Organisational Structures

<p>Political party organisations respond to the challenges of their environments. Different organisational structures have different capabilities and capacities and, therefore, some organisations are better suited to some environments. What happened to party organisations when New Zealand changed from a first-past-the-post to a mixed member proportional electoral system? Did all parties have the same capacities to meet the challenges raised by this new environment? This paper addresses these questions by examining the organisational responses of the New Zealand National Party to the introduction of the mixed member proportional electoral system after 1993. The National Party was constructed to operate in a first-past-the-post electoral system and it did so successfully, winning twelve of the nineteen elections it contested. In response to the challenges of the first-past-the-post environment, National decentralised both candidate selection and campaign structure. National's decentralised organisation proved to be a liability for National under the new mixed member proportional environment however. Mixed member proportional demanded the construction of a nationwide list and a coherent campaign for the nationwide party vote. With its existing organisational structure, National was unable to meet either of these demands and suffered the electoral repercussions of that failure. After four consecutive elections in which National lost vote share, the National Party centralised its organisation in 2003. This paper analyses the centralisation of the National Party's organisation and the reasons for it by examining the Party's efforts to reform candidate selection and management of campaigns. The two organisational structures which National used for selecting candidates and managing campaigns under mixed member proportional produced different results. The candidate pools for 1996, 1999 and 2002 failed to provide nationwide appeal and produced incentive for electorate candidates to ignore the party vote element. Further, the campaign structure for these three elections allowed electorate committees significant control and the ability to undermine the nationwide party vote campaign. In the 2005 election, however, candidate selection and campaign management showed significant changes. The candidate selection process provided incentives for electorate candidates to seek both electorate and party votes, although it arguably still failed to produce a nationally appealing party list. The management of the campaign was also significantly different. It demonstrated the benefit of central campaign control in a mixed member proportional electoral system. The 2003 centralisation gave National elites significant control and allowed National to almost double its 2002 result in the 2005 election. This thesis demonstrates that a mixed member proportional electoral system gave National strong incentives to centralise its party organisation.</p>

Candidate Selection Reform in South Korea: The Persistence of Exclusive Practices Despite Inclusive Rules

2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 735-758
Author(s):  
Eun Hee Woo
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
National Level ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Party Elites

This paper analyzes how democratization has affected the dynamics of candidate selection in South Korea. After democratization in the late 1980s, it was expected that intra-party democracy would follow. In response to increasing public demand, the major parties adopted primary systems in the early 2000s. Nonetheless, most candidates for the legislature are still nominated by a small number of central party elites without additional ballots in the local branches. To explain the persistence of such exclusive, centralized features of candidate selection, I highlight the limited impact democratization has had on the political environment in which the parties operate. More specifically, since the 1987 democratization process resulted in a compromise agreement established by a small number of party leaders, South Korea retained much of the political legacy from authoritarian times, such as an electoral system advantageous to the major parties and legal provisions restricting electoral campaigns, party activities, and political participation. The continuation of these political institutions makes radical candidate selection reform highly unlikely as the party elites have no incentive to expand and decentralize the selection process. Without significant changes to the political institutions at the national level, the dominance of the central party elite over the final outcome of candidate selection looks likely to continue for the foreseeable future.

scholarly journals Penerapan Parliamentary Threshold pada Pemilihan Umum 2009

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-374
Author(s):  
Nur’Ayni Itasari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Threshold Mechanism

Abstract: The selection process through the  (general) election mechanism can be identified with the electoral system ever implemented in the Islamic government. First, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was carried out by the trust and allegiance. Second, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was done through the periodic election, selection in society, and by the head of state. Parliamentary Threshold (PT) is a threshold mechanism in place at legislative elections (for parliament) with a percentage of 2.5% for the political parties which contested the election to follow the counting in the determination of the House of Representative’s seats. Parliamentary Threshold, according to Law No. 10 year 2008, article 202, paragraph 1 (regarding the election of members of DPR, DPD and DPRD) in the 2009 election, was implemented by calculating the minimum total of 2.5% of the valid votes in the national political party contestants. Then those parties were listed, which ones were the Parliamentary Threshold and which ones were not the Parliamentary Threshold to determine BPP to calculate the DPR’s seats for the electoral party  contestants that had passed the threshold.Keywords: Parliamentary threshold, general election, democracy, and constitution

Analysis of changes in the organizational structure of municipal offices

Management ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-387
Author(s):  
Joanna Snopko
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Customer Service ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Organisational Structure ◽  
Office Management ◽  
Organisational Structures ◽  
Partner Relations ◽  
Structural Solutions ◽  
Proper Performance

Abstract Organisational Structure of Municipal Offices - Key Determinats The multitude of tasks and problem issued faced by local governments necessitates their evolution towards improvement of the existing organisational structures. Comparison of the existing organisational structures of various municipal offices could create a misleading that their organizational structures do not undergo any transformations. In reality, the type of an organisational structure remains unchanged while its elements change very frequently. These changes are activated when, according to the office management, they do not ensure proper performance of tasks faced by local government administration and appropriate customer service. Also note that, in the applied solutions, there is a strive for perfection which can be noticed, in a sense. It expresses the concept that this is not a structure which can effectively play its role today and is prepared for challenges of tomorrow. However, the process of transformations has not developed any new solutions. To this end, the local government must develop organisational structures appropriate for identifying and reaching its objectives. For this reason, it’s worthwhile to consider solutions which combine elements of the existing and modern solutions or address new opportunities created by process-oriented structures. However, these transformations must, first and foremost, cause a transformation of bureaucratic-style municipal offices into modern organisations which apply modern methods of management. These are organisations which introduce deep-reaching organisational changes, i.e. transform their hierarchic interorganisational relations into more partner relations and transform their structural solutions into more flexible solutions as well as change their employees’ way of thinking. Without such transformations in local government, municipal offices will be still referred to as bureaucracy and civil servants as bureaucrats.

The Queensland Electoral System and Indigenous Representation

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Tereza Smejkalová
Keyword(s):  
Torres Strait Islander ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Party Member ◽  
National Party ◽  
Torres Strait Islander People ◽  
Indigenous Representation ◽  
Torres Strait ◽  
Aboriginal Person ◽  
Legislative Assembly

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people represent more than 3 per cent of the Queensland population, but only one Aboriginal person has so far been elected to the Queensland Legislative Assembly. (Mr Eric Deeral was the National Party member for Cook from 1974 to 1977.) This fact suggests that the Indigenous population and minorities in general do not have much influence on government in Queensland. Questions therefore arise as to why and what can be done to address this deficiency.

scholarly journals Review: Useful but flawed survey of media role in bleak political landscape

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 252
Author(s):  
Philip Cass
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Focus Group ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Control Policy ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Media

Review of: Politics and the Media, edited by Babak Bahador, Geoff Kemp, Kate McMillan and Chris Rudd. Auckland: Pearson, 2013. ISBN 978144255826A generaton after the capitalist roaders took over the New Zealand Labour Party, the country’s political landscape is bleak. As described in this new book, it is one in which no political party is interested in any ideology except staying in power, no party will do anything that might offend a focus group, PR hacks control policy, political party membership has all but disappeared, the public is almost totally disengaged and most of the media has neither the time, the skill nor the inclination to cover politics.

scholarly journals Strategie globalne a nowe formy organizacji przedsiębiorstw transnarodowych

2006 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 125-143
Author(s):  
Anna Tobolska
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Transnational Corporations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Organisational Structure ◽  
Tensor Structure ◽  
Global Integration ◽  
Integrated Networks ◽  
International Firms ◽  
Flexible Integration ◽  
Organisational Structures

The paper presents an analysis of many basic variants of organisational structures that can be applied by enterprises operating in today.s international arena. In the case of international firms,  the  structure depends on  the  level of  internationalisation of  their operations  and  the strategy adopted: multinational, global or  transnational. As an example a  tensor structure  is presented, based on empirical studies of the organisational structure of the corporation EXIDE Technologies. Global structures should be distinguished from those of transnational organisations, whose features, according to Bartlett and Ghoshal.s conception, are global integration and the ability to respond to a local situation. The structures of such transnational corporations assume formally a multidimensional shape which ensures the integration and co-ordination of operations through a combination of global departments manufacturing particular lines of products with regional ones. On the other hand, owing to flexible integration processes, interdependence and dispersal of skills, and a multidimensional perspective, transnational enterprises assume the configuration of integrated networks.

scholarly journals The Ideology of Integration: An examination of the New Zealand and Ireland case studies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Miran Milosevic
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Theoretical Models ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
Integration Policies ◽  
Study Case ◽  
National Membership

<p>The study of integration policy is of particular relevance in an increasingly globalised world, since integration policy was shown to be important to the maintenance of social cohesion of immigrant receiving host societies (Papillon 2002, p. iii, Schugurensky 2003, pp.11-12, Friessen 2003, pp.187-191). This thesis sought to examine the fit of two explanatory theoretical models in explaining integration policy outcomes in two case study states, Ireland and New Zealand, during the period 1995-2006. More specifically, the thesis tried to determine whether the influence of the model of national membership adopted in each study case (civic membership in the New Zealand case and ethno cultural membership in the case of the Republic of Ireland) was able to anticipate the correct outcomes with regard to integration policies adopted during the study period, or whether political party positioning on socio economic lines was more important in anticipating integration policy outcomes. This assessment was conduct in light of apparent ‘fit’ of the respective theoretical models in each study case to integration policies enacted during the study period, in order to determine whether the theories that seem to fit the best anticipate the correct outcomes in each study case.  This was a salient question in light of the dichotomy in integration policy approaches in the two study states. Notwithstanding that both New Zealand and Ireland were immigrant receiving states during the study period, there was a marked difference between New Zealand’s approach to integration policy formulation and that of Ireland. New Zealand’s approach to integration policy was well structured and became more developed, while Ireland did not have a cohesive integration policy during the study period, relying instead on a reactionary approach composed of a collection of policy statements and ‘ad hoc’, reactionary policies.  As noted briefly above, the two theoretical models that were assessed for fit against outcomes in integration policies in the study states were the Brubaker theory of membership and the theory of political party positioning along the socio-economic left/right axis. The Brubaker theory suggests that integration policies are the outcome of national membership models (i.e. a civic or ethno cultural conception of national belonging), whilst the theory of party positioning along socio-economic lines suggests that integration policies are based on the influence of socio economic political party ideology. An investigation was made of the fit of the Brubaker membership models against that of the socio economic political ideology models in predicting integration policy outcomes in each respective case study. In addition, an examination of the interaction between the two explanatory theories was conducted, and an assessment made of whether this interaction had an impact on integration policy formulation. In exploring the interaction between two competing explanations for integration policy outcomes, this thesis aimed to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding for the reasons of the divergence in the approach to integration policy in the two case study states, and also a better understanding of the factors impacting on integration policy in general.</p>

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