SOCIO-POLITICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE CATEGORY OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Farida Begbutaeva ◽  

This scientific article examines the origin, research and role in the socio-political processes of the category of persons with disabilities. It is now recognized that ensuring the active participation of people with disabilities in the political and social life of society leads to more effective protection of their rights and the strengthening of legaland political mechanisms that better meet the needs of all members of society.Key words:persons with disabilities, limitation of opportunities, legal framework, state policy, social policy, model

Temida ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-150
Author(s):  
Natasa Tanjevic ◽  
Filip Miric

Discrimination based on disability is a complex phenomenon that is present in all spheres of social life, especially in the world of work. The reasons that led to this are numerous: living conditions, social and economic policies of different times, but also many social factors such as ignorance, carelessness, neglect, fear and prejudice. Therefore, various documents on the international and national levels are adopted which contain provisions prohibiting discrimination against persons with disabilities and that provide a legal framework for their employment. Accordingly, the Serbian national legislation is now significantly closer to the standards of the international community and the European Union in this field, which opened the way for more effective protection of persons with disabilities. However, one of the main problems is the application of the law in practice. The authors tried to, through the presentation of relevant documents of international and domestic law, point out their individual shortcomings while proposing certain amendments to the existing legal solutions for the purpose of finding effective ways to combat discrimination against persons with disabilities in the labor and employment area, which is the main aim of this paper.


1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. McKinlay ◽  
R. Little

Two views, founded on divergent rationales, have been used to explain the allocation of official bilateral aid. One view explains the allocation of aid in terms of the humanitarian needs of the recipient, the other in terms of the foreign policy interests of the donor. Although the foreign policy view is now clearly dominant, it has not been developed systematically. This paper initially develops an analytic foreign policy model of aid allocation. The model suggests that the provision of aid leads to the establishment of commitment and dependency, enabling the donor to realize certain foreign policy utilities. These utilities in turn allow the donor to pursue its interests. These interests may be ordered into five substantive foreign policy models. The main research objective of the paper is to test these models in the context of U.S. aid by making a cross-national, longitudinal study of the distribution of U.S. aid over the years 1960- 1970. We find that the foreign policy model which best explains the allocation of U.S. aid is one that is consonant with the political interpretation of imperialism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-161
Author(s):  
Alexey Chistyakov ◽  

In the XXI century, the French Republic remains one of the major economic and political partners of the Russian Federation. At the same time, one of the forces contributing to the internal stability of the Fifth Republic is the community of holders of state awards, united by official symbols around the idea of serving for the benefit of France, regardless of their own political beliefs. However, differences in the nature of award systems make it difficult for Russian statesmen to understand the true role of French order-bearers in political processes, the role of the Order itself in the life of France. The intuitive perception of this institution by Russian representatives is often limited or erroneous. Based on the analysis of information resources affiliated with the Order of the Legion of Honor, the author formulates a list of the main activities of its members. Understanding the nature of the participation of this organization in the political and social life of the Republic can have a significant impact on a certain «course correction» when interacting with foreign orderbearers. In addition, the presented conclusions can focus the attention of politicians in international affairs on institutions whose influence on domestic processes, although not obvious due to the difference in thesauri, is significant.


Author(s):  
Mary Daly

Social policy has a particular character and set of associated politics in the European Union (EU) context. There is a double contestation involved: the extent of the EU’s agency in the field and the type of social policy model pursued. The former is contested because social policy is typically and traditionally a matter of national competence and the latter because the social policy model is crucial to economic and market development. Hence, social policy has both functional and political significance, and EU engagement risks member states’ capacity to control the social fate of their citizens and the associated resources, authority, and power that come with this capacity. The political contestations are at their core territorially and/or social class based; the former crystalizes how wide and extensive the EU authority should be in social policy and the latter a left/right continuum in regard to how redistributive and socially interventionist EU social policy should be. Both are the subject of a complicated politics at EU level. First, there is a diverse set of agents involved, not just member states and the “political” EU institutions (Parliament and Council) but the Commission is also an important “interested” actor. This renders institutional politics and jockeying for power typical features of social policymaking in the EU. Second, one has to break down the monolith of the EU institutions and recognize that within and among them are actors or units that favor a more left or right position on social policy. Third, actors’ positions do not necessarily align on the two types of contestation (apart perhaps from the social nongovernmental organizations and to a lesser extent employers and business interests). Some actors who favor an extensive role for social policy in general are skeptical about the role of the EU in this regard (e.g., trade unions, some social democratic parties) while others (some sectors of the Commission) wish for a more expansive EU remit in social policy but also support a version of social policy pinned tightly to market and economic functions. In this kind of context, the strongest and most consistent political thrust is toward a type of EU social policy that is most clearly oriented to enabling the Union’s economic and market-related objectives. Given this and the institutional set-up, the default position in EU social policy is for a market-making social policy orientation on the one hand and a circumscribed role for the EU in social policy on the other.


Author(s):  
Tomasz Masłyk ◽  
Ewa Migaczewska

Define our own role in the process of political participation determines the manner of its implementation, and therefore the attitude we adopt the operating entity in the wider political community. This may be the attitude of an active actor co-responsible for the direction and quality of the policy, or lacking a sense of agency. In the case of disabled persons adopt the first of them it is difficult due to both objective barriers associated with perceptual-motor constraints, and because of the subjective, deeply rooted in society and among the disabled themselves, stereotyping ways of thinking about the functioning of this social category in society. Going beyond this scheme requires the realization of the social model of disability, in which persons with disabilities are active participants in social life, contributing to its development. The aim of the article is to present the dynamics of change in the perception of people with disabilities in Poland, their subjectivity in the political dimension. The analysis will cover issues such as: interest in politics, trust in political institutions and the generalized others, their capacity to co-create the policy. The data used in the empirical analysis is derived from European Social Survey (2002–2014).


Author(s):  
Luciano Parejo Alfonso

Las llamadas cuestiones vasca y catalana (hoy, la segunda, en fase aguda) reclaman una actualización del orden constitucional en punto a la adecuación de la organización del Estado a la estructura plural de España, que ha de hacerse teniendo en cuenta las radicales transformaciones derivadas de la integración en la Unión Europea y la inserción en una comunidad internacional cada día más interdependiente y desde una doble reflexión. En el trabajo se apuntan —en sus líneas maestras— los aspectos más sobresalientes de la reforma o, en su caso, revisión constitucional que el autor considera más viable sobre la base del análisis tanto de la situación presente y mirando al futuro, como de la experiencia suministrada por la transición política, el consenso constitucional y el proceso de construcción del llamado Estado autonómico. Pero recordando que el éxito de tal empeño en el plano jurídico-constitucional depende de algo que está fuera de la potencia configuradora del Derecho —la regeneración de la vida política y social y de las instituciones y tiene una decisiva trascendencia para el funcionamiento de un Estado complejo como el español y, por tanto, la vitalidad y autenticidad del pluralismo territorial sin merma de la verdadera, por sustantiva (no formal), unidad constitucional.The basque and catalan conflict —the second nowadays at his peak— demand a revamp of Spain’s constitutional order to adapt the organization of the state to the diverse structure of the country. Such reform should be addressed taking into account the radical transformations resulting from its integration into the European Union project and from an increasingly interdependent comunity at the international level. This article points out the most important aspects of the reform or (where relevant) of the constitutional review that the author considers more feasible. This appraisal will be carried out based on the analysis of the current situation and looking to the future, as well as on the experience gained with the political transition, the constitutional consensus and the so called Authonomic State-making process. However, the sucess of this commitment within the constitutional and legal framework depends on something that is out of the shaping capacity of the law —the political and social life renewal, as well as of the institutions— and has a crucial importance for the functioning of a complex state such as the spanish and, therefore, for the vitality and authenticity of the territorial pluralism without affecting (in a substantive —not formal— way) the constitutional unity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 156-163
Author(s):  
E. N. Shchegolev

The research is devoted to the topic of forming a political infrastructure for the safe development of municipalities, creating technologies for attracting political infrastructure participants to the development and assessment of alternatives for the optimal development of territories.We set ourselves the goal of showing territorial public self-government as a tool for increasing the openness of political decision-making and public confidence in the authorities, and identifying the transformational potential of digital technologies in the context of territorial public self-government.The methodological basis of the research was provided by such theories as: the information cybernetic model of the political system of K. Deutsch, the theory of the political system of D. Easton, the theory of deliberative democracy by J. Besset, the theory of direct democracy I. Blo, model of monitor (digital) democracy by J. Keane.The main results of this study are the following:1) the author’s definition of the concept of “digitalization” was introduced — this is a process of radical transformation of the interaction of people in all spheres of social life, the implementation of which became possible on the basis of replacing analog (physical) data collection and processing systems with new technological systems that generate, transmit and process a digital signal about your condition. This transformation presupposes the formation of a different outlook of citizens, the use of other methods of management;2) the author’s definition of the concept of “political infrastructure” is introduced — these are the types of connections between the elements of the political system. Different types of ties form various modifications of political institutions, they determine the contours of political communications carried out in the political space, including using various political technologies to influence the behavior of political forces.3) in the context of digitalization, interactive interaction of participants in the political process, the very configuration of the political infrastructure for the development of territories is changing, the political toolkit of dialogue between the authorities and society is changing, implying an increasingly widespread use of technologies to involve participants in political processes in the development and assessment of alternatives for optimal territorial development.


Modern China ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-90
Author(s):  
Igor Iwo Chabrowski

This article analyzes the thorough reformulation of opera in Sichuan in the first two decades of the twentieth century. It argues that theater developed in Sichuan during the eighteenth century as a part of the social and religious life of market towns and cities and that it was indivisibly connected with the political and administrative structure of the country. As such, it was fragmented along musical, dialectic, and geographic lines. The introduction of the New Policies in 1905, which most affected the largest urban centers such as Chengdu and Chongqing, was the main cause of organizational reconstruction of theatrical performances. They changed both opera’s place in social life and the way it was produced and staged. Within the new legal framework, opera was placed under the Company Law and therefore moved from the sphere of festivity to that of business, while playhouses’ prosperity was bound with the police departments that taxed and protected them. The mutual dependence of law enforcement and entertainment persisted during the early Republic and was revived in the 1930s, making theaters among the most stable and important institutions of early twentieth-century Sichuan cities. The Sichuan opera we know now is a product of this historical process. The study of the institutional development of opera shows the aims, scope, and limitations of the political reforms that reshaped China in the late Qing and Republican periods.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Laylo Begimkulova ◽  

In this article, the author, on the basis of historical primary sources, highlights the role and influence of the great emirs Shaikh Nuriddin and Shokhmalik on the political processes that took place after the death of Amir Temur and the subsequent development of events.


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