scholarly journals Sejm Constitutions of 1581 as the source of the history of parliamentary system on Ukrainian lands

2018 ◽  
pp. 36-41
Author(s):  
Tetiana Zotova

The author investigates the constitutions of the Sejm of 1581. After examining current structure of the constitutions, the article uses the main issues and problems which influenced on the Ukrainian voivodeships. The author analyses important decisions taken in the Sejm. It is examined a wide range of aspects related to the Ruthenian, Volyn, Kyiv, Bratslav, Belz and Podillya voivodeships. It is investigated the problems of economics, international politics, military campaigns, personal privileges, the judicial system, and urban development. It is underlined, that all these problems were discussed in details and solved in the Sejm. It should be stressed, that the constitution was informative source on the political and social situation of the country. It is described in details special attention to the Ukrainian voivodeships. Attempts are made to analyse the peculiarities of the voivodeships. The article showes a clear idea of the influence of the Sejm and the constitution on various spheres of life of the Ukrainian voivodeships and the Commonwealth in general.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-279
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Tortti ◽  

This paper aims at outlining the main processes that, in Argentina’s recent past, may enable us to understand the emergence, development and eventual defeat of the social protest movement and the political radicalization of the period 1960-70s.Here, as in previous papers, we resort to the concept of new left toname the movement that, though heterogeneous and lacking a unified direction, became a major unit in deeds, for multiple actors coming the most diverse angles coincided in opposing the vicious political regime and the social order it supported. Consequently, we shall try to reinstate the presence of such wide range of actors: their projects, objectives and speeches. Some critical circumstances shall be detailed and processes through which protests gradually amalgamated will be shown. Such extended politicization provided the frame for quite radical moves ranging from contracultural initiatives and the classism in the workers’ movement to the actual action of guerrilla groups. Through the dynamics of the events themselves we shall locate the peak moments as well as those which paved the way for their closure and eventual defeat in 1976.


Author(s):  
Anne Haour

This chapter compares the privileges and duties of rulers in central Sahel and north-west Europe. It provides a factual overview of the political history of the central Sahel and north-west Europe and compares their rulers in terms of boundary control, economic control and taxation, and religious and social roles. It suggests that many medieval polities in north-west Europe and central Sahel were the result of economic interference or of military campaigns imposing a new framework on disparate societies.


Author(s):  
Tri Ratna Manandhar

The peoples’ movement of 1990 was a great landmark in the history of modern Nepal for it ended the three-decades of the old dictatorial rule of the king and established a parliamentary system with the king as a nominal head of state. But unfortunately, the country could not form a good government because of inter and intra-party conflicts. To add fuel to the flame, the rise of the Maoist movement and the royal massacre put the country in a state of confusion and uncertainty. The new king tried to revive dictatorial rule once again by suppressing the political parties and the Maoists. But his attempts failed, and the 19-day movement in 2006 re-established peoples’ sovereignty in the country. The first meeting of the elected constituent assembly in 2008 formally ended monarchy and declared Nepal a republic. But the first constituent assembly ended its four–year term without drafting a constitution. The second constituent assembly has pledged to promulgate a democratic constitution by January 2015, but all indications are that that the country is unlikely to get a constitution in time.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Belousov ◽  

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Adeb Abdulelah Abdulwahid Al-Tamimi ◽  
Uddagatti Venkatesha

Yemen is an unsteady country with a long history of conflict and many complex issues that have led to the deterioration of the political, economic, and social situation. The conflict in its various stages began as an internal political struggle as a result of the people's grievances and the elite's competition for power and national wealth, in addition to other external factors. Hence, it is important to study the conflict factors in Yemen to understand the situation which in turn will help in providing solutions by decision-makers towards peace-making. Therefore, this study analyses the conflict factors in Yemen based on the political, economic, and social effects, in addition to the external interference effects. The research findings indicated that the conflict factors were not the only result of security or political issues but also presented by many socio-economic problems as well as external factors, which have affected of the country since its unification.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrizio Foresta

AbstractThis article will explore what might be called the transregional scope and outreach of early modern Reformed synods in a theological as well as ecclesial sense, examining some very few but important moments between the sixteenth and seventeenth century that marked a turning point in the history of the European Reformed Churches and show some particular aspects of the constitutive link between synods and consensus. A transregional level implies a methodological shift towards a more complex and many-sided view of synods, according to which a supposedly unyielding and confessionally adamant institution was affected by the social, geographical, cultural, theological and political stratifications within a wide range of mediating factors and conditions: different local Churches were linked together and crossed the political and ecclesiastical borders through the channels along which persons and ideas passed from region to region, thus creating a mutual exchange through which political, institutional and theological communication took place.


2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-257
Author(s):  
Michael Pietsch

Abstract When looking at the literary history of the dynastic oracle in 2 Sam 7:1-17 and its narrative embedding in the historiographic concept of Samuel and Kings, one can argue that in the beginning, there was a royal oracle of salvation shaped by a common Ancient Near Eastern royal ideology. Even though the exact wording or the original ‘Sitz im Leben’ of the oracle cannot be identified with any certainty, some observations in the literary structure of the narrative indicate that the ‘deuteronomistic’ narrator in 2 Sam 7 used an earlier form of the dynastic oracle in order to combine it with the motive of building the temple and creating a coherent story that plays a key role in the historiographic structure of his narrative work. Later (dtr) editors enhanced the concept of building the temple over the dynastic promise and interpreted the time of David as the final stage of Israel’s conquest of the land. The dynastic oracle has not been revoked, but the political reign of the Davidides has been relativised, so that the text was opened up for new interpretations and applications, which can be studied in the wide range of its history of reception.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Luísa Sousa

The history of two roads projected and built for cars during the first phase of the Estado Novo dictatorship in Portugal (1933–1945) is reconstructed in the context of similar developments in interwar Europe, showing the particularities of a peripheral European country. It shows the importance of automobile infrastructure to this dictatorial regime, the political uses of this technological sublime, and the controversies triggered by the exceptionality and arbitrariness with which this road plan was carried out. The Lisbon–Cascais coastal road and the Lisbon–National Stadium motorway stretch were two small roads compared with the national network, for which the State concentrated substantial economic and technical resources because of political reasons, but also due to concerns about urban development and tourism. Their construction entailed the development of national engineering and the promotion of future car use.


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