scholarly journals Unnoticed Coup D’état

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Belousov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Question ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Separate Family ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.

scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

The cycle of the new left in the recent history of Argentina

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-279
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Tortti ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New Left ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiple Actors

This paper aims at outlining the main processes that, in Argentina’s recent past, may enable us to understand the emergence, development and eventual defeat of the social protest movement and the political radicalization of the period 1960-70s.Here, as in previous papers, we resort to the concept of new left toname the movement that, though heterogeneous and lacking a unified direction, became a major unit in deeds, for multiple actors coming the most diverse angles coincided in opposing the vicious political regime and the social order it supported. Consequently, we shall try to reinstate the presence of such wide range of actors: their projects, objectives and speeches. Some critical circumstances shall be detailed and processes through which protests gradually amalgamated will be shown. Such extended politicization provided the frame for quite radical moves ranging from contracultural initiatives and the classism in the workers’ movement to the actual action of guerrilla groups. Through the dynamics of the events themselves we shall locate the peak moments as well as those which paved the way for their closure and eventual defeat in 1976.

Merck

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Burhop ◽  
Michael Kißener ◽  
Hermann Schäfer ◽  
Joachim Scholtyseck
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Pharmaceutical Chemical ◽  
Central Question ◽  
Chemical Company ◽  
Technology Firms ◽  
Global Corporation ◽  
Global Leader ◽  
Long Time ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

Merck is the oldest pharmaceutical-chemical company in the world. It developed into a global corporation from a Darmstadt pharmacy that Jacob Friedrich Merck received the pharmacist’s license for in 1668. This book tells the 350-year history of the company for the first time in its entirety and on the basis of all the available sources, as well as the newest research in business history. For a long time, family-owned companies were regarded as a dying breed. The future seemed to belong to jointstock companies with an anonymous stockholder structure. Yet there are numerous successful counterexamples in Germany, such as Bosch, C&A and Bertelsmann. Merck, too, counts among them. How did the Merck family manage to keep the company in its possession for 13 generations through all the political ruptures and historical crises and turn it into a global leader among science and technology firms? With this as their central question, four acclaimed historians recount the fascinating history of the Merck company between 1668 and 2018, embedding it in the eventful course of world history.

The History of Mind and the Philosophy of History in Sallust's Bellum Catilinae

Ramus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Gunderson
Keyword(s):  
Philosophy Of History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Julius Caesar ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
History Of ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Political Figure

With the assassination of Julius Caesar on the Ides of March in 44 BCE, the political fortunes of one of Caesar's lesser political partisans began to wane. Gaius Sallustius Crispus, a minor political figure, formerly involved in scandal and now left without a backer, retired from politics and began to write history. His first project was an account of a failedcoup d'étatfrom some decades before. Sallust recorded the efforts of a thwarted candidate for Rome's highest office named Lucius Sergius Catilina to raise an army of disaffected Romans and foreigners and to install himself and his partisans at Rome. In the end, though, nothing much came of the plot: some were arrested and killed; some fought and died; others who had not been caught in too manifest support of Catiline were suddenly expressing their enmity for the monster.

scholarly journals Multiple Sources of Protest Movements in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-109
Author(s):  
E. Kosevich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The World ◽  
Neoliberal Development ◽  
History Of ◽  
A Chain ◽  
Further Development

Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout the course of history of this region , reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has already formed in this part of the world. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding rights and reducing historical injustice. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social protests. Residents of the highest income inequality region of the world ceased restraining their discontent. It turned out to be impossible for the state authorities to react to such indignation by the usual repressive methods, thus they were forced to listen to society demands. In just a few months, Haiti, Ecuador, Chile, Bolivia were caught in a massive political crisis which was marked by massive street demonstrations. Gradually, a wave of public discontent swept over countries such as Colombia and Argentina. Although the root causes of these events in each country were different, several general trends stand out in all the chaos that is happening in Latin America. These trends can be traced in all foci of instability that broke out almost simultaneously in several countries of the region. This paper attempts to analyze the main factors that led to such widespread unrest. The goal of this analysis is to reveal the unresolved problems of the region. The author identifies the main reasons that together caused social explosions, and presents them in the form of a hierarchical pyramid: from the underlying economic instability, the crisis of the neoliberal development model, social inequality; the weakening of the political system and corruption, that are situated in the middle; until the very top of the pyramid – the “democracy deficit” and the influence of social networks. In this context, I divided the article into 4 thematic blocks, which will allow a systematic review of the most important causes that set a chain reaction in motion of protest activities, as well as an assessment of the further development of the socio-political situation in Latin America. A combination of regional and country approaches were applied in this paper to the phenomenon under study.

scholarly journals Sejm Constitutions of 1581 as the source of the history of parliamentary system on Ukrainian lands

2018 ◽  
pp. 36-41
Author(s):  
Tetiana Zotova
Keyword(s):  
Urban Development ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Structure ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Campaigns ◽  
Clear Idea

The author investigates the constitutions of the Sejm of 1581. After examining current structure of the constitutions, the article uses the main issues and problems which influenced on the Ukrainian voivodeships. The author analyses important decisions taken in the Sejm. It is examined a wide range of aspects related to the Ruthenian, Volyn, Kyiv, Bratslav, Belz and Podillya voivodeships. It is investigated the problems of economics, international politics, military campaigns, personal privileges, the judicial system, and urban development. It is underlined, that all these problems were discussed in details and solved in the Sejm. It should be stressed, that the constitution was informative source on the political and social situation of the country. It is described in details special attention to the Ukrainian voivodeships. Attempts are made to analyse the peculiarities of the voivodeships. The article showes a clear idea of the influence of the Sejm and the constitution on various spheres of life of the Ukrainian voivodeships and the Commonwealth in general.

Fascism and Dependency in Latin America in the Thinking of Theotônio dos Santos

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110591
Author(s):  
Maíra Machado Bichir
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
America Latina

The analysis of Theotônio dos Santos, a central reference of the Marxist theory of dependency, of the counterrevolutionary political processes in Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s, reflecting what he observes as an advance of fascistization, proposes the concept of a dependent fascism to characterize some of the military governments that materialized in the region. His writings on the subject are part of a wide range of debates that took place in Latin America during the 1970s, which focused on the context of political radicalization between revolution and counterrevolution, a tug-of-war that led to a consolidation of military coups. These writings express his position on both the political crisis that took place in Latin American countries at that time and the transformations of the political regime and the state itself. Efforts to renew these debates are anchored in the expectation that they may shed light on recent Latin American history. A análise de Theotônio dos Santos, referência central da teoria Marxista da dependência, sobre os processos políticos contrarrevolucionários na América Latina nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, ao observar um avanço da fascistização, propõe o conceito de fascismo dependente para caracterizar alguns dos governos militares que se concretizaram na região. Seus escritos sobre o tema se inscrevem em um amplo campo de debates que tiveram lugar na América Latina durante a década de 1970, os quais se debruçavam sobre o contexto de radicalização política entre revolução e contrarrevolução, no qual a consolidação de golpes militares estava imersa, e expressam o posicionamento do autor em relação tanto à crise política que teve lugar nos países latino-americanos naquele então, quanto às transformações do próprio regime político e do Estado. O esforço de recuperar tal debate está ancorado na expectativa de que tais reflexões possam lançar luz sobre a história recente latino-americana.

Liberal clergy organisations during the 1905-1907 revolution

2019 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Павел Евгеньевич Липовецкий
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Faith Based ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
History Of Formation

Статья посвящена истории становления организаций либерального духовенства в годы Первой русской революции (1905-1907) Политический кризис, начавшийся в Российской империи в 1905 г., поставил духовенство Православной Церкви перед необходимостью определить свою позицию по ряду общественных вопросов. Значительная часть клириков высказала симпатии либеральному направлению в политике. Наиболее крупные организации либерального духовенства сложились в Санкт-Петербурге и Москве. Сменившая несколько названий, столичная организация, выросшая из группы 32-х пастырей, в определённой степени пользовались поддержкой правящего архиерея - митр. Антония (Вадковского). Клирики имели возможность высказываться на собраниях и со страниц периодической печати. В свою очередь представители московского духовенства объединились на базе «Общества любителей духовного просвещения». Однако вскоре члены Общества вступили в конфликт с митр. Владимиром (Богоявленским), что заставило их искать поддержки у партии «Союз 17 октября». Это привело к созданию независимой от церковного начальства организации, получившей название «Вероисповедная комиссия при Союзе 17 октября». В программном отношении организации либерального духовенства схожи между собой. Первоначальной темой обсуждения в них были вопросы церковного преобразования, но позднее общественные темы приобрели больший вес. В провинции на данный момент объединений либерального духовенства выявить не удалось. Тем не менее прослеживается деятельность отдельных клириков. The article is devoted to the history of formation of liberal clergy organizations in the years of the First Russian revolution (1905-1907) The political crisis which began in the Russian Empire in 1905 made the Orthodox clergy to define their position on a number of social questions. A large proportion of the clergy expressed sympathy for the liberal trend in politics. The largest organisations of liberal clergy emerged in St Petersburg and Moscow. The organisation in the capital, which had grown out of a group of 32 pastors, had the support of the ruling bishop, Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky), to a certain extent. The clerics were able to speak out at meetings and in the press. Representatives of the Moscow clergy in their turn united on the basis of the 'Society of Lovers of Spiritual Enlightenment'. However, members of the Society soon came into conflict with Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), which compelled them to seek support from the October 17th Union party. This led to the creation of an organization independent of church authorities called the Faith-Based Commission under the October 17th Union. In programmatic terms, the liberal clergy organizations were similar. Their initial topic of discussion was ecclesiastical conversion, but later social topics acquired greater weight. No liberal clergy associations could be traced in the provinces at present. Nevertheless, the activities of individual clerics can be traced.

Transregional Reformation: Synods and Consensus in the Early Reformed Churches

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrizio Foresta
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Churches ◽  
Mediating Factors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Reformed Churches

AbstractThis article will explore what might be called the transregional scope and outreach of early modern Reformed synods in a theological as well as ecclesial sense, examining some very few but important moments between the sixteenth and seventeenth century that marked a turning point in the history of the European Reformed Churches and show some particular aspects of the constitutive link between synods and consensus. A transregional level implies a methodological shift towards a more complex and many-sided view of synods, according to which a supposedly unyielding and confessionally adamant institution was affected by the social, geographical, cultural, theological and political stratifications within a wide range of mediating factors and conditions: different local Churches were linked together and crossed the political and ecclesiastical borders through the channels along which persons and ideas passed from region to region, thus creating a mutual exchange through which political, institutional and theological communication took place.

Imperial Authority in Crisis: An Interpretation of the Coup D'état of 1861

1983 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke S. K. Kwong
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Second Development ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
The Subject

The significance of the coup d'état of 1861 in late-Ch'ing history has been appraised by many scholars. A fairly typical viewpoint has been expressed by the eminent Chinese historian Wu Hsiang-hsiang: ‘Had there not been the coup of 1861, there would not have been the coup of 1898.’ One need not entertain the same degree of determinism to acknowledge, with Wu, that the coup of 1861 was important in its effects on the exercise of imperial power in later decades. The coup did, in fact, not only provide the immediate circumstances which favored an unprecedented experiment with the Ch'ing imperial form, namely, a regency formed by the empresses-dowager, but it did also enable the famous (or infamous) empress-dowager, Tz'u-hsi, to secure her rise to a supremacy in court affairs which ended only with her death in 1908. In view of this second development, scholars have long argued that Tz'u-hsi was both the mastermind and chief beneficiary of the coup, which was the product of her intrigues and manipulations. In fact, it has been called her (Yehonala's) coup d'état. While this view will presently be examined, my main purpose here is to define the nature of the political crisis from which the coup of 1861, as well as the idea of the female regency, originated. This, I believe, is one aspect of the subject that has not been sufficiently investigated.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document