EUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL POLICY IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY. EXPERIENCE AND PROSPECTS

Author(s):  
Vitalii F. Ershov ◽  

The paper deals with the formation of a modern style of financial relations between the European Union and post-Soviet states. The author explores the objectives and features of the implementation of two main components of the European financial policy in the post-Soviet space: investment in the development and commercial activities of private capital. The EU financial policy in the post-Soviet states advances in the context of pan-European humanitarian, geopolitical and energy concepts established at the beginning of the 21st century. Despite certain differences that exist in the approaches of the European Union to dialogue with groups of countries within the frameworks of the Eastern Partnership and the EU Strategy for Central Asia, a common line is seen here on investments in promoting the education, European values, legal standards of banking. At the same time, in relations between Europe and the post-Soviet countries there is a tendency towards the adoption of the principles of financial pragmatism and a desire for long-term investment ties. The expanding role of the European banks and investment companies in economic life in the post-Soviet space is in direct connection with the realization of the modernization potential in post-Soviet states.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Andrey A. Kinyakin ◽  
Svetlana Kucheriavaia

One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post-Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginning of the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the new level, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. The most obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on the one hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it paved the way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed to bring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in the latent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between the integration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existing members of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” of the “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can lead to the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequences.


Author(s):  
Artur Pohl

In the second decade of 21st century the European Union will have to face the economic crisis and a problem of its domestic and international security enhancement. In both cases, the Turkish access to the organization can be a cure for European problems. Fast-growing economy, with young, well-educated society as well as big market may be an impulse to the economic growth of the EU. Economic surroundings and geostrategic location of Turkey, with its strongand modern army, can positively affect the security of the organization.


Author(s):  
Óscar Alzaga Villaamil

La crisis económica española, evidenciada tras el estallido de la gran burbuja inmobiliaria ha dejado sobre la mesa toda una serie de preguntas, que el autor enuncia a los efectos de entender la hondura del problema que llevó a que Europa empujase a España a la reforma en 2011 de su constitucionalismo económico. Esta reforma siguió el camino trazado por las previas revisiones de los textos constitucionales afrontadas en Polonia, Suiza y Alemania. Pero las cuentas públicas de ciertos estados del sur de la Unión Europea han pasado a constituir un problema para la política económica y financiera de toda la UE, cuya solución se ha convertido en una oportunidad para avanzar en su construcción política, trance en que los constitucionalistas deben aportar sus mejores esfuerzos.The Spanish economic crisis, evidenced after the outbreak of the great housing bubble has left on the table a series of questions, which the author states the purpose of understanding the depth of the problem that led Europe push Spain to the reform in 2011 of its economic constitutionalism. This reform followed the path set by the previous reviews the constitutions faced in Poland, Switzerland and Germany. But the public accounts of certain southern states of the European Union have come to constitute a problem for the economic and financial policy across the EU, whose solution has become an opportunity to advance their political construction, situation in which the Constitutionalists should make their best efforts.


2021 ◽  
Vol specjalny (XXI) ◽  
pp. 113-127
Author(s):  
Andrzej Świątkowski

The European Union is in the initial phase of managing the conditions for the growth of artificial intelligence. Assuming that the above-mentioned electronic technology of the future should be trustworthy, guarantee the safety of its users and develop under human leadership, the Union should be able to convince the Member States of the necessary need for all interested parties to apply modern electronic technologies in practice while respecting European values, principles and human rights. The above common goal, extremely important for the future of European societies, and a uniform unified strategy for achieving it, binds the EU Member States. The above statement applies to all EU Member States, including those with above-average ambitions to become European leaders in the use of artificial intelligence for economic and social development. Considering that the European Union is competing with the USA and China, it is justified to ask whether the strategy of the development and use of artificial intelligence intended by the European Union will enable the achievement of the above goal?


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-438
Author(s):  
William Outhwaite

As with the 1968 movements in Western Europe and North America and their long-lasting subterranean effects, one can also ask when 1989 ended. A quick answer to the title question would be Christmas 1989, with the execution of the Ceauşescus, or New Year, with the installation of Václav Havel as President. Another would be December 1991, the date of the dissolution of the USSR, which would be more relevant for the post-Soviet space and could perhaps also work as a rough marker for the more protracted political transitions in Romania and Bulgaria. Another would be 2004, with the accession to the European Union of much of post-communist Europe and the prospect of extension of happy-ever-after member-statehood to the south and east. More seriously, we might listen to the calls from a number of experts to stop speaking of the region as post-communist or post-socialist. I suggest that what has ended is the ‘end of history,’ as the victory of democracy turns out for the moment to be one of post-democracy and xenophobic populism across Europe and more widely.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 3-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent PECH ◽  
Kim Lane SCHEPPELE

AbstractHow should the European Union cope with Member States that no longer respect the basic values of the Union? This article reviews the responses of the major European Union institutions to Poland and Hungary as their governments removed checks on their power, eliminated the independence of judiciaries and failed to honour their European commitments. As the article demonstrates, the responses of EU institutions have so far been ineffective in bringing these Member States back into line with European values. We examine the various proposals that have been made to do better, concluding that there is promise in some legal strategies that are available now, but have yet to be tried.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-75
Author(s):  
A. V. Makarycheva

Secessionist sentiments are more common for the European Union than for other world regions. This tendency takes place to a large extent because of a crisis in the European values and religious traditions, and new priorities. Catalonia, as well as the Basque Country, tries to hold a direct dialogue with Brussels bypassing Madrid, which is accompanied with numerous difficulties: a discontent and warnings on the part of the official government of Spain, the necessity for the European Union to take into consideration the position of its member-state and many others. Despite the fact that regions started to play a more significant role in the European Union agenda, it still continues to follow the policy of a cautious attitude towards the autonomy separatism. Moreover, the EU tries to limit capabilities of the further existence and development of autonomies as independent states by institutional means. In addition, after the separation, a state is not yet a member of the European Union – it has to create new currency, it faces some economic problems. Given all these factors, autonomies will think twice before organizing a referendum, which is also difficult to hold, because it contradicts the Constitution of Spain.


2018 ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Zdzisław W. Puślecki

The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations.


Author(s):  
I. V. Bolgova

The results of the Vilnius summit of the EaP project and the consequent Ukrainian crisis with major international effects make possible questioning about the eventual scenarios of the EU eastern politics and possible configurations ofinternational interactions. The article elaborates on the key elements and trends of the EU activities at the post-soviet space that are likely to frame the context of its further developments. The most visible trends analysed here are the extreme differentiation of bilateral relations within the EaP project alongside with the growing symbolism of official rhetoric and program practices of the European Union. As a result, we see the EU's intention to narrow the geographical and qualitative field of its activities on the eastern directionwith saving the shell of the EaP for nominal functioning. Such tactics is not likely to result in a drastic change of the model of conflict dependencies in the "shared neighbourhood". The article analyses key misperceptions of the actors involved in the complex of interactions in the region. The structure is complicated by the deepening and widening of Russia-lead Eurasian integration project. Current crisis of the EU eastern policy is considered to derive from the exaggeration of the value-based, normative aspect of the common foreign policy in general and will have the systemic consequences both for the European external actions and for its internal developments.


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