The people and the problem of legality: theoretical and legal aspect

Author(s):  
Roman Fedorov ◽  
Nashaat Nashed

The article considers the question of the reality of reflecting the will of the people and their interests in the state legislation, as well as in the process of implementing legal norms. In the light of John Austin’s theory of the legal power of the sovereign’s (people’s) command, the role and place of an individual citizen in the process of lawmaking in a modern constitutional state is analyzed. It is concluded that modeling the sovereignty of the people based on the Austin concept leads to the denial of the distinction between the rule of law and the rule of people.

Author(s):  
Stephen Skowronek ◽  
John A. Dearborn ◽  
Desmond King

As the nation’s chief executive, Donald Trump pitted himself repeatedly against the institutions and personnel of the executive branch. In the process, two once-obscure concepts came center stage in an eerie face-off. On one side was the specter of a “Deep State” conspiracy – administrators threatening to thwart the will of the people and undercut the constitutional authority of the president they elected to lead them. On the other side was a raw personalization of presidential power, one that a theory of “the unitary executive” gussied up and allowed to run roughshod over reason and the rule of law. The Deep State and the unitary executive framed every major contest of the Trump presidency. Like phantom twins, they drew each other out and wrestled to light basic issues of governance long suppressed. Though this conflict reached a fever pitch during the Trump presidency, it is not new. Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King trace the tensions between presidential power and the depth of the American state back through the decades and forward through the various settlements arrived at in previous eras. Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic is about the breakdown of settlements and the abiding vulnerabilities of a Constitution that gave scant attention to administrative power. Rather than simply dump on Trump, the authors provide a richly historical perspective on the conflicts that rocked his presidency, and they explain why, if left untamed, the phantom twins will continue to pull American government apart.


Author(s):  
B.D. Akhrarov ◽  
◽  
Sh.X. Alirizaev ◽  

Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and a free civil society is unimaginable without elections. After all, in the election process, the diversity of opinions in society, the will, aspirations, social moods of the people are clearly reflected. Democratic elections, which reflect the diversity of views in society, the aspirations and aspirations of the people, must be legally protected. Liability for violation of the principles of democratic elections has been established. Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and a free civil society is unimaginable without elections. After all, in the election process, the diversity of opinions in society, the will, aspirations, social moods of the people are clearly reflected. Democratic elections, which reflect the diversity of views in society, the aspirations and aspirations of the people, must be legally protected. Liability for violation of the principles of democratic elections has been established.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110211
Author(s):  
Steven L. Winter

The standard account of the relation between democracy and the rule of law focuses on law’s liberty-enhancing role in constraining official action. This is a faint echo of the complex, constitutive relation between the two. The Greeks used one word – isonomia – to describe both. If democracy is the system in which people have an equal say in determining the rules that govern social life, then the rule of law is simultaneously before, after, concurrent and synonymous with democracy: It contributes to the formation of citizens with the capacity for self-governance, serves as the instrument through which democratic decisions are implemented, functions as one of the central social practices that constitute citizens as equals and addresses the question of how to ensure that government by the people operates for the people. The rule of law has many independently valuable qualities, including impartiality and predictability. But, to valorise the rule of law for its own sake is to fetishize authority. The fundamental values of the rule of law are as the instrument of democratic self-governance and the expression of the equal dignity of all persons. Democracy thus entails the rule of law, but both implicate the yet more comprehensive ideal of equality. Core rule-of-law values require political norms and conditions of equality, generality and comprehensiveness. In a modern, differentiated society, however, the constitutive relation between democracy and the rule of law is fractured and law becomes the agent of authority. Courts in the modern constitutional state have contributed to the decline of rule-of-law values, supporting role specialization through judge-made immunity doctrines that protect officials at all levels. The crisis of police violence against minorities is a symptom of this breakdown. Greater accountability can ameliorate the problem. But an effective solution requires the fair and equal distribution of political power.


Upravlenie ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-50
Author(s):  
Tu Thi Thoa

Building the rule of law state (referred to as the rule of law) is an objective trend for democratic countries in the modern world, including Vietnam. Thoughts about the rule of law in Vietnam, related to the people’s desire to have an independent state that is organised and acts in accordance with the provisions of law, represents the will and aspirations of the people, protects human rights and citizens’ rights under law, have emerged since the early years of the 20th century. Along with the national liberation struggle, the rule of law state in Vietnam was officially established in 1945, after the victory of the August Revolution (August 19, 1945). It has its own characteristics related to the socialist political regime under the leadership of only one party – the Communist Party of Vietnam.As in many countries around the world, the promotion and expansion of democracy is one of the objectives of building the rule of law in modern Vietnam. The article clarifies some theoretical issues about the rule of law state, the rule of law ideology formation and the rule of law state characteristics in Vietnam. A number of issues that require attention when building a rule of law state to ensure democracy in modern Vietnam is considered


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Moh Hudi

The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending  on   The  Rule  of   Law  in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential   System   as  Head  of  Government  and   Head  of   State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby S. Goldbach

49 Cornell International Law Journal 618 (2016).This Article explores international judicial education and training, which are commonly associated with rule of law initiatives and development projects. Judicial education programs address everything from leadership competencies and substantive review of human rights legislation to client service and communication, skills training on docket management software, and alternative dispute resolution. Over the last twenty years, judicial education in support of the rule of law has become big business both in the United States and internationally. The World Bank alone spends approximately U.S. $24 million per year for funded projects primarily attending to improving court performance. And yet, the specifics of judicial education remains unknown in terms of its place in the industry of rule of law initiatives, the number of judges who act as educators, and the mechanisms that secure their participation. This Article focuses on the judges’ experiences; in particular, the judges of the Supreme Court of Israel who were instrumental in establishing the International Organization of Judicial Training.Lawyers, development practitioners, justice experts, and government officials participate in training judges. Less well known is the extent to which judges themselves interact internationally as learners, educators, and directors of training institutes. While much scholarly attention has been paid to finding a global juristocracy in constitutional law, scholars have overlooked the role that judges play in the transnational movement of ideas about court structure, legal procedure, case management, and court administration. Similarly, scholarship examines the way legal norms circulate, the source of institutional change, and the way “transnational legal processes” increase the role of courts within national legal systems. There is little scholarly attention, however, to judges as actors in these transnational processes. This Article situates judicial education and training within the context of judicial functions as an example of judicial involvement in non-caserelated law reform. This Article challenges the instrumental connection between judicial education and the rule of law, arguing that international judicial education became a solution at the same time that the problem— a rule of law deficit— was being identified. This Article also explores whether international judicial education can stand as an instantiation of a global judicial dialogue. Judges have immersed themselves in foreign relations. They are, however, less strategic in pushing their ideological agenda than literature about judges and politics would suggest. This Article argues that judges experience politics as a series of partial connections, which resemble most legal actors’ engagement with the personal and the political.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 408-419
Author(s):  
Ikhsan Fatah Yasin

Abstract: This article discusses the analysis of the prohibition of analogy in the Draft Bill. The majority of the experts of jurisprudence against analogy. The author does not agree with the ban on using the analogy in the Draft Bill, but justifies the analogy with the record, the judge must be competent and with integrity. If the judge is unable to make analogy, then he could use self-interpretation to find a legal decition. The argument of usage of analogy is to seek substantial justice for the people without setting aside the individual’s rights, because by using the analogy, the rule of law will remain unfulfilled. It is because the crime, in its various forms, is still contrary to morality even though it is not written, and even if the crime has an impact to the public. In Islamic law, the method of qiyâs compiled by Imam Shafi’i in may be used as a good analogy, because qiyâs method has been tested by producing many laws.Keywords: Analogy, draft bill, the criminal code. Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang analisis terhadap larangan analogi dalam RUU KUHP. Mayoritas para ahli ilmu hukum menentang analogi. Penulis tidak sepakat dengan larangan menggunakan analogi dalam RUU KUHP, tetapi membenarkan analogi dengan catatan, hakimnya harus kompeten dan berintegritas. Jika hakimnya memang tidak mampu untuk beranalogi, maka ia masih bisa menggunakan interpretasi untuk menemukan hukumnya.   Argumen diperbolehkannya analogi adalah untuk mencari keadilan substansial bagi masyarakat tanpa menyampingkan perlindungan individu, sebab dengan menggunakan analogi kepastian hukum akan tetap terpenuhi. Karena kejahatan, dalam berbagai bentuknya, tetap saja bertentangan dengan kesusilaan meskipun ia tidak tertulis, apalagi jika kejahatan tersebut membawa pengaruh kepada masyarakat luas. Dalam hukum Islam, metode qiyâs yang disusun oleh Imam Syafi’i dalam berijtihad mungkin dapat digunakan sebagai proses analogi yang baik, sebab metode qiyâs ini sudah teruji dengan memproduksi banyak hukum. Kata Kunci: Analogi, Rancangan Perundang-undangan, KUHP.


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