‘Who’ or ‘what’ is the rule of law?

2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110211
Author(s):  
Steven L. Winter

The standard account of the relation between democracy and the rule of law focuses on law’s liberty-enhancing role in constraining official action. This is a faint echo of the complex, constitutive relation between the two. The Greeks used one word – isonomia – to describe both. If democracy is the system in which people have an equal say in determining the rules that govern social life, then the rule of law is simultaneously before, after, concurrent and synonymous with democracy: It contributes to the formation of citizens with the capacity for self-governance, serves as the instrument through which democratic decisions are implemented, functions as one of the central social practices that constitute citizens as equals and addresses the question of how to ensure that government by the people operates for the people. The rule of law has many independently valuable qualities, including impartiality and predictability. But, to valorise the rule of law for its own sake is to fetishize authority. The fundamental values of the rule of law are as the instrument of democratic self-governance and the expression of the equal dignity of all persons. Democracy thus entails the rule of law, but both implicate the yet more comprehensive ideal of equality. Core rule-of-law values require political norms and conditions of equality, generality and comprehensiveness. In a modern, differentiated society, however, the constitutive relation between democracy and the rule of law is fractured and law becomes the agent of authority. Courts in the modern constitutional state have contributed to the decline of rule-of-law values, supporting role specialization through judge-made immunity doctrines that protect officials at all levels. The crisis of police violence against minorities is a symptom of this breakdown. Greater accountability can ameliorate the problem. But an effective solution requires the fair and equal distribution of political power.

Author(s):  
Roman Fedorov ◽  
Nashaat Nashed

The article considers the question of the reality of reflecting the will of the people and their interests in the state legislation, as well as in the process of implementing legal norms. In the light of John Austin’s theory of the legal power of the sovereign’s (people’s) command, the role and place of an individual citizen in the process of lawmaking in a modern constitutional state is analyzed. It is concluded that modeling the sovereignty of the people based on the Austin concept leads to the denial of the distinction between the rule of law and the rule of people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Moh Hudi

The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending  on   The  Rule  of   Law  in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential   System   as  Head  of  Government  and   Head  of   State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 408-419
Author(s):  
Ikhsan Fatah Yasin

Abstract: This article discusses the analysis of the prohibition of analogy in the Draft Bill. The majority of the experts of jurisprudence against analogy. The author does not agree with the ban on using the analogy in the Draft Bill, but justifies the analogy with the record, the judge must be competent and with integrity. If the judge is unable to make analogy, then he could use self-interpretation to find a legal decition. The argument of usage of analogy is to seek substantial justice for the people without setting aside the individual’s rights, because by using the analogy, the rule of law will remain unfulfilled. It is because the crime, in its various forms, is still contrary to morality even though it is not written, and even if the crime has an impact to the public. In Islamic law, the method of qiyâs compiled by Imam Shafi’i in may be used as a good analogy, because qiyâs method has been tested by producing many laws.Keywords: Analogy, draft bill, the criminal code. Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang analisis terhadap larangan analogi dalam RUU KUHP. Mayoritas para ahli ilmu hukum menentang analogi. Penulis tidak sepakat dengan larangan menggunakan analogi dalam RUU KUHP, tetapi membenarkan analogi dengan catatan, hakimnya harus kompeten dan berintegritas. Jika hakimnya memang tidak mampu untuk beranalogi, maka ia masih bisa menggunakan interpretasi untuk menemukan hukumnya.   Argumen diperbolehkannya analogi adalah untuk mencari keadilan substansial bagi masyarakat tanpa menyampingkan perlindungan individu, sebab dengan menggunakan analogi kepastian hukum akan tetap terpenuhi. Karena kejahatan, dalam berbagai bentuknya, tetap saja bertentangan dengan kesusilaan meskipun ia tidak tertulis, apalagi jika kejahatan tersebut membawa pengaruh kepada masyarakat luas. Dalam hukum Islam, metode qiyâs yang disusun oleh Imam Syafi’i dalam berijtihad mungkin dapat digunakan sebagai proses analogi yang baik, sebab metode qiyâs ini sudah teruji dengan memproduksi banyak hukum. Kata Kunci: Analogi, Rancangan Perundang-undangan, KUHP.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-168
Author(s):  
Isaac O. C. Igwe

Although brutality can repress a society, it never assures the sustainability of that conquest. Tyranny steers the hopeless to despair, edges to rebellion, and could open the door for a new tyrant to rise. Law becomes a limiting factor that must act as a stopgap to the avaricious intentions of a dictator. A democratic leader must incorporate the supremacy of the law and honest officials into his government. He shall also create courts of law, treat the poorest citizens with fairness and build a hall of justice to bring the society to modernity with the operation of the rule of law enshrined in the constitution. Legislation is nothing without enforcement and Law is no law if not accepted and respected by the people. The rule of law cannot be said to be working in a country where the government continues to violate the orders of the court, unlawfully detain its citizens, abuse human rights including arbitrary and extra-judicial executions, unlawful arrests and detentions, embargo on freedom of speech and press, impunity and inhumane torture, degradation of people or exterminations. This treatise will argue on the supremacy of the “Rule of Law” as it impacts Nigerian democracy. Keywords: Rule of Law; Democracy; Judiciary; Supremacy; Government; Tyranny; Nigerian Constitution


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Ocko ◽  
David Gilmartin

This paper uses the concept of the “rule of law” to compare Qing China and British India. Rather than using the rule of law instrumentally, the paper embeds it in the histories of state power and sovereignty in China and India. Three themes, all framed by the rule of law and the rule of man as oppositional yet paradoxically intertwined notions, organize the paper's comparisons: the role of a discourse of law in simultaneously legitimizing and constraining the political authority of the state; the role of law and legal procedures in shaping and defining society; and the role of law in defining an economic and social order based on contract, property, and rights. A fourth section considers the implications of these findings for the historical trajectories of China and India in the twentieth century. Taking law as an instrument of power and an imagined realm that nonetheless also transcended power and operated outside its ambit, the paper seeks to broaden the history of the “rule of law” beyond Euro-America.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Opačić ◽  
◽  
Vladimir Vrhovšek ◽  
◽  

We, as the authors of this text, have found it important to point out the close connection between law and justice, theory and practice, because citizens go to court for justice. The judge says what justice is. However, when the legal norm is available and well known to the persons, to whom it refers, and when it is predictable and the case law is uniform, the persons to whom the legal norm refers, can know their rights and obligations concretely, and thus know how to treat them. In order to that they must behave and anticipate the consequences of their behavior. When all the above has been fulfilled, it can be said that the requirements of the rule of law and legal security have been met, so it can be freely said that law and justice are at the "service of the people", through theory and practice. It should be reminded that the precision of the legal norm is one of the basic elements of the rule of law and is a key factor for the emergence and maintenance of the legitimacy of the legal order, which applies to all branches of law, and that court decisions are binding on all.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-504
Author(s):  
Sunny Kumar

This article critically evaluates the characterisation of sedition law as colonial by analysing the arguments made by J. F. Stephen in opposing such a claim. While Stephen obfuscated the close links between the sedition law and the requirements of colonial governance, he made a persuasive case for how the sedition law was completely consistent with British ideas of liberty, utility, and the rule of law. Stephen’s arguments about legitimate limits to political liberties, particularly his critique of J. S. Mill in this regard, offer us an opportunity to question the presumed antithesis between colonial and metropolitan jurisprudence and trace their shared origins in British political thought. To that end, with Stephen as an interlocutor, this article critically analyses themes such as the defence of empire, colonialism, and the idea of improvement within a wider set of writings by British political philosophers, to arrive at an alternative understanding of British political liberalism. My article concludes that rather than ‘colonial difference’, the constitutive relation between sedition law and liberal jurisprudence better explains the prevalence of similar authoritarian laws within democratic regimes across the globe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Blokker ◽  
Bojan Bugaric ◽  
Gábor Halmai

AbstractThe intense engagement of populists with constitutionalism—a phenomenon originally related to experiences in Latin America—is increasingly evident in some of the new European Union member states. But the populist phenomenon is clearly not confined to more recently established democracies. Populist constitutionalism stands for a number of distinctive tendencies in constitutional politics and practices which frequently are in tension with—and may even threaten—fundamental values, human rights, representative democracy, and the rule of law. The relation between populism and constitutionalism is, however, not necessarily one of anti-thesis, but rather manifests itself in distinctive ways, depending on specific contexts and variations. In this special issue, we argue that populist constitutionalism is best analyzed in a comparative, and historically and contextually attuned manner. The special issue wants to contribute to understandings of populist constitutionalism, which are both theoretically more robust and able to comparatively reflect on a diversity of “really existing” cases. The various contributions discuss central dimensions to the populist phenomenon. These pertain in particular to: (a) The varieties of populist engagement with constitutionalism; (b) a deeper understanding of the populist mindset; (c) the position-taking and reaction of constitutional scholars to populism; (d) the complex relation and overlap of populism with illiberalism and authoritarianism; and (e) the central nature of constituent power in populist projects.


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